• Master of agitational politics. Acute analytical mind. Shrewd strategist.
• Sees RSS as a moral authority and has full backing of the party.
• Formidable control over party organisation. Has groomed the second-rung leadership.
• Believes Hindutva is the ideological mascot.
• Sees Ayodhya movement as an important political intervention.
• Free marketeer by instinct but yields to swadeshi pressures.
• Interacts with every level of party functionary.
• One of the most energetic political campaigners.
• Wrings his hands in awkward situations.
• Vegetarian, with spartan culinary taste.
• Voracious reader and Hindi film buff.
• Pores over the fine print in the English language press. Sensitive to personal criticism.

ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE
Mass Leader

• Most at home in parliamentary politics. Accomplished orator. Uses instinct to guide decisions.
• Uncomfortable with rss' political diktats. But enjoys the confidence of Rajju Bhaiyya.
• Has little inclination for party nitty-gritty. At times forgets the names of BJP functionaries.
• Prefers Bharatiyata (Indianness) to Hindutva.
• Believes a political party should stay away from overtly religious issues. Once said "BJP is not a dharam sansad".
• Has little interest in economics. Prefers foreign affairs and defence-related matters.
• Prefers the company of a small circle of very close friends.
• In difficult moments shuts eyes and hopes problem will go away.
• Loves a good Chinese meal.
• Writes poetry, loves children.
• Is concerned with his projection in the Hindi press. Also sensitive to personal criticism.

RSS
Back-seat Driving

"After Mahatma Gandhi's death, when many of our people were thrown into jail, we realised that we would not be allowed to work in this country unless we had some of our people in politics," says Rajendra Singh (Rajju Bhaiyya), the sarsanghchalak of the RSS, the man vested with the ultimate authority in the entire parivar. However, he insists that the RSS and the BJP are separate, although "there are areas where the BJP is guided by the sangh". He adds: "But we do not always expect them to implement our agenda. The BJP has to make adjustments to stay in politics. They have to put certain issues on the backburner. The RSS has no compulsion to modify its agenda." The RSS chief compares the parent body to a university. "We teach people, they learn, they move on."

Nominally this may well be true, but in real life the RSS does influence important political decisions, like the possible choice of a successor to Advani as BJP president. Routine power fights are often referred to the RSS for final arbitration. Vajpayee may not like this, but he has learnt to live with it. Nobody has flowered in the BJP with an antagonistic relation to the Sangh.

Given its spectacular growth in recent years, the BJP is not quite an extension counter of the RSS as the Jan Sangh was, but practical realities prevent the umbilical cord from being cut. The 40,000 shakhas throughout the country are a lifeline for political mobilisation, particularly during elections. Therefore, separate or otherwise, the BJP swayamsevak can never defy the adesh (instructions) of the RSS sarsanghchalak.

ALLIANCES
Circles of Friends

Some of the hype over the new alliances could be exaggerated but they are of psychological importance to show that the party now has a pan-Indian appeal

Shiv Sena: Maharashtra: Bal Thackeray; Candidates: 16

This is a fairly equal partnership that has gone from strength to strength in the industrialised state of Maharashtra. The only fear is, has the alliance peaked? Despite ideological commonality, Thackeray's angularities create strains. The BJP is not comfortable with his proposal for a national monument in Ayodhya, but delights in his Sonia-baiting.

Samata Party: Bihar: George Fernandes; Candidates: 22

In spite of being one of the BJP's most loyal allies, Fernandes insists that he remains a "socialist". Fernandes and Nitish Kumar are in fact trying to reinvent the old JD minus Laloo Yadav. If the RJD performs poorly in this election, Samata Party may be tempted to go it alone in Bihar.

Akali Dal: Punjab: Parkash Singh Badal; Candidates: 8

A traditional alliance that was resurrected in the 1996 assembly elections, with spectacular dividends. It was cemented when BJP supported Surjit Singh Barnala's candidature for vice-president's post. Hiccups arose when the Akalis decided not to put up a candidate against Prime Minister I.K. Gujral in Jalandhar.

Haryana Vikas Party: Haryana: Bansi Lal; Candidates: 4

The alliance was negotiated just prior to the 1996 election and swept the state. It was the BJP's first experiment in recent times of allying with what is basically a party of ex-Congressmen. Has endured, despite absence of ideological commonality.

Biju Janata Dal: Orissa: Naveen Patnaik; Candidates: 12

This alliance is the result of the disintegration of the Janata Dal into splinter groups, with many elements attaching themselves to the BJP. Anti-Congressism is the sole focus. Has survived a bitter wrangling over seat-sharing.

Lok Shakti: Karnataka: Ramakrishna Hegde; Candidates: 10

Alliance forged after Hegde was rebuffed by the post-Sonia Congress. Another offshoot of the collapse of the old Janata Dal. No ideological basis, but defined areas of influence.

AIADMK: Tamil Nadu: J. Jayalalitha; Candidates: 34

A psychological triumph since it conferred the BJP a level of acceptability in the south. The BJP won't benefit but could be Jayalalitha's lifeline in a possible Vajpayee government.

Trinamool Congress: West Bengal: Mamata Banerjee; Candidates: 29

A last-minute understanding that Mamata has admitted to very grudgingly. Certain to be a short-term arrangement with no discernible electoral gains for either party.