August 27, 2001
Issue


 

COVER
   

Villains Of The Economy
As the economic downturn worsens, the Vajpayee Government comes under fire for holding up key reforms. INDIA TODAY analyses the performance of 10 ministers to find the extent and causes of inefficiency.

 

 
THE NATION
   

The Shadow Of Fear
In a bid to regain the initiative after the Agra Summit, militants have moved to the Jammu region-stretching the security forces and sparking tension.

 

 
STATES
 

Crime And Reward
The Chautala Government indulges in a controversial spate of forgiveness, pardoning murder convicts, most of whom are close to ruling party politicians.

 

 
SCIENCE
 

New Pot Of Gold
While the US debates the ethics of a cutting-edge medical technique that uses cells from embryos, India can march ahead-if it gets its act together.

 

 
OTHER STORIES
     
 



 
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COVERSTORY: GOVERNMENT

Suresh Prabhu
Power

Fast Track to Slow Reform

Ministers:

2

Joint secretaries and above:

4

No. of PSUs referred:

NA

Budget in Rs cr (2001-2):

2881.8

The critics of Union Power Minister Suresh Prabhu-a Shiv Sena MP- have a major handicap: it's almost impossible to criticise him. That's because he is one of the most vocal critics of India's power policies. He reels out figures that could scare you stiff. Sample this: at the current rate of electrification, it would take Bihar 800 years to electrify the whole state. Or every year power worth Rs 20,000 crore is pilfered. Or return on investments in state electricity boards (SEB) has dipped to -19 per cent.

Prabhu is honest and clever. More than anyone else, he knows that failures in his sector are too evident to be justified. From the recurring headlines of companies like Enron and AES wanting to pull out of India to the endemic power shortages all over India, power is in the news for all the wrong reasons.

 
Promptness of response 10
Understanding of issues 9.0
Commitment to reforms 9.0
Openness to ideas 9.0
Achievements 1.5
Average score 7.7
OVERALL RANK
2
All ratings are on a scale of 10
"Depending on whether they're in power or opposition, parties support
or oppose power reforms. This has
to end."
Suresh Prabhu
 

Being 11 months old in the Power Ministry, Prabhu can choose to hide behind the legacy of his predecessors. Or take refuge in the fact that reforms in the power sector are in the states' hands. But he doesn't believe in alibis. "As the power minister I must take all the blame, whoever may be at fault."

Within six months of signing the first Enron deal in 1993, some 240 private power producers had shown interest to invest in new generation capacity of over 60,000 MW. Yet, only 10 private plants with a capacity of 3,681 MW were operating in July 2001. The euphoria over private power generation died a premature death because the sole buyers of power were chronically sick SEBs and private producers weren't sure if their bills would be paid. As a way out, the state and Central governments started giving guarantees and counter-guarantees of payment on behalf of SEB. But it took just one Enron to prove that short cuts wouldn't work.

 

COST OF NON-PERFORMANCE

Less than 50% of power is metered; only 30% is paid for

SEBs lose Rs 14,913 cr annually; returns on investments is -19%

Indian industry pays thrice as much for power than the Chinese do

COMMITMENTS

100% metering of power supply by 2002; create capacity to transmit 30,000 MW of power by 2002 and additional 1,00,000 mw by 2012.

Delicense generation completely, abolish CEA clearance.

Now Prabhu's first task is to refocus reforms both among and within the SEBs. In July, he brokered an agreement between the states and the Central power producing units (for instance, National Thermal Power Corporation) that took the entire Rs 41,000 crore unpaid dues of SEBs off their balance sheet and converted them into bonds to be serviced by the state governments. In one stroke, all liabilities of SEBs were wiped out. To prevent SEBs from running up huge unpaid bills states have also committed to pay for the electricity they buy every month, failing which the arrears will be deducted from the defaulting state's share of funds from the Centre. The Power Ministry has also signed agreements with 16 states which make it obligatory to end free supply of power and set up regulatory commissions.

The cause of SEB bankruptcy is transmission and distribution (T&D) losses, also called theft and dacoity losses. Most states lose up to 50 per cent of their generation in T&D. These losses have mounted as more than 50 per cent of power supply in the country is not metered. Prabhu has set a target for 100 per cent metered power supply by December 2002. A programme is also underway to develop 60 districts as models of excellence in power distribution. Though distribution is a state subject, the Centre will fund the project along with other agencies. With these and other schemes, he hopes to pull SEBs out of loss in three years.

His next battle is transmission. A plan is on the anvil to modernise transmission network. By 2012, the country should also have the capacity to transmit 30,000 MW of power. But in his drive for better T&D Prabhu claims he has not lost sight of generation. By September this year, he promises to tie up the entire generation capacity of 43,000 MW to be created during the 10th Five Year Plan (2002-7). That's ambitious given the abysmal performance of the ministry in the past 10 years. The combined capacity creation during the 8th and the 9th Plans is only 37,500 MW, against the target of 71,245 MW.

Prabhu's confidence in meeting the 10th Plan target stems from one logic: once SEBs are out of the chronic sickness, investment in power generation will become viable. Even without guarantees, investment in power generation should flow in. He also proposes to delicense investment in power generation completely. Even the techno-economic clearance by CEA will be abolished. The new electricity bill should make generation even more attractive because it proposes to allow producers to sell power directly to consumers-without going through the SEBs-on payment of a surcharge. First drafted in 2000 by infrastructure expert Gajendra Haldea, the bill has been through eight drafts. But it is yet to be tabled in Parliament, where it could take a year to get clearance.

Though critics have held Prabhu responsible for sitting on the bill, his defence is clear: "It's not the bill, but the political will that is the key to the success of reforms." True. But politicians are still luring voters with promises of free power, as was evident in the recent panchayat elections in Andhra Pradesh.

"Depending on whether they are in power or in the opposition, parties support or oppose power reforms. This has to end," says Prabhu. How? He has prepared a basic programme for power reforms on which he will seek endorsement of the leaders of all political parties. He will then seek the consent of major trade union leaders. The outcome of this novel signature campaign can break or make Prabhu's entire grand dream for power sector reforms.


 
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