President Musharraf's speech—a landmark event—has to be viewed in the broader context of the policies his Government has been trying to pursue for some time, and more so since September11. Musharraf
seems determined to cast Pakistan in the vision of its founding
fathers-Mohammed Ali Jinnah and poet-philosopher Iqbal. Ideologically and politically he wants to cleanse Pakistan of extremism and foster
the positive and liberating tenets of Islam in its body politic. This is
a sea change from the policies that governments, including his own, have been following
in the past.

WAR MACHINE: Musharraf's attempt at a U-turn needs Delhi's support

By mobilising its forces India has once again brought the centrality of the Kashmir problem to international attention.

In his speech Musharraf categorically condemned the repressive policies of the Taliban leadership and the sectarian politics of the religious parties. Musharraf has banned seven major militant religious parties and introduced reforms for regulating the politico-religious groups so that they only operate within acceptable parameters. Similarly, measures are being taken to eliminate the militant character of the madarsas by de-weaponising them.
The scope of their syllabi has been widened to provide a broad-based education. Musharraf has given a deadline of March 23 for compliance. He also lauded the Sufi tradition that is generally associated with a "softer" version of Islam. His Government has undertaken major reforms of the police and intelligence agencies. These changes make eminent sense for a country that was fast drifting towards obscurantism and isolation.

In principle, there is no basic change in the Kashmir policy but the emphasis has shifted to the political, diplomatic and human rights aspects. The military instrument has been downgraded and militant groups will not be allowed to operate as they are undermining the cause of Kashmir and creating serious problems for Pakistan both at the domestic and international level. Ironically, India by mobilising its forces on the border has brought the centrality of the Kashmir problem to international attention.

Implementing this radical programme will not be easy and is likely to be met with resistance from the disaffected religious groups whose interests have been deeply hurt. But the people have realised that the religious parties have nothing concrete to offer. The sudden collapse of the Taliban regime has further reinforced this impression. The Government will, however, have to do a lot to ensure the success of its reforms. Holding extremists under detention is a short-term measure. Political activity must be revived so that mainstream politics can be pursued and chances of groups going underground are minimised.

It would be prudent if India were patient with Pakistan. Delhi should acknowledge the progress made in dismantling militant structures by reciprocating gestures. The terrorists who attacked the Indian Parliament are enemies of India, Pakistan and the people of Kashmir. India's rage is understandable but to make Pakistan the target without any solid evidence of its involvement is unjustified. After all most of the non-state actors are stateless. India's massive build-up on the borders to pressurise Pakistan to extract maximum political concessions can prove dangerous and counter-productive. Pakistan's as well as India's, interests will best be served if Musharraf's policies succeed. Delhi by undermining Islamabad's efforts would be strengthening the hands of the extremists on both sides of the border.

South Asia has to develop the ability to resolve its differences otherwise the decision making process will once again be influenced more by others and less by ourselves.

(Lt-General Masood is a former secretary of defence production. He also served as staff officer to General Zia-ul-Haq.)