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For India,
the litmus test would be how much the General alters Pakistan's hardline
agenda on Kashmir. In his speech, Musharraf was clear where he stood but
conceded that "no organisation will be allowed to indulge in terrorism
in the name of Kashmir".
For many months, several advisers as well as western leaders have been
telling Musharraf he must radically alter government policy on Kashmir
and attempt to pursue a diplomatic, negotiated solution. Many believe
that could carry serious risks. "I think there is going to be a major
shift in the Kashmir policy," said Ijaz-ul-Haq, Zia's politician
son who is known to have close contacts with the army. "The Taliban
was not such an issue for Pakistan but Kashmir is something that has been
a core issue for the past 55 years. But if there is a 180 degree turn
and if he seems to be making a compromise on the issue then there could
be problems."
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AIMING FOR PEACE: How soon elections
are held may depend on how quickly the military build-up on the
borders are de-escalated.
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As a precursor to the new strategy, the Government has established a
Kashmir Committee to publicise Pakistan's case in the Kashmir dispute,
to downplay the role of Pakistani fighters and to stress the indigenous
side of the campaign. The group will be led by Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan,
head of the Muslim Conference party in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. Khan,
a veteran politician, is known to be opposed to the involvement of Pakistani
fighters in the war.
Alongside the Kashmir policy shift comes a complicated political battle
at home. The military regime knows it will not receive the next, much-needed
IMF loan without a civilian government in place. Senior Pakistani officials
say Musharraf is now so confident of his position that he intends to bring
forward general elections which were due to be held in October last year
and which will be the first since he seized power in a coup two years
ago.
Unless the current military tension with India escalates into a conflict
Musharraf is likely to announce an election date as early as July or August.
An early poll would allow him to capitalise on his perceived support at
home and the backing he has secured from western governments since he
agreed to help America's war in Afghanistan. Although Musharraf, who made
himself President last year, will not stand for election himself he needs
either a national referendum or a vote in Parliament to endorse his coup
and his position as president.
First though, he must convince India that his intentions are sincere.
Delhi is clear that Musharraf must " walk the talk" before any
demobilisation of Indian forces takes place on the Indo-Pak border. India
has decided to maintain its diplomatic-military posture till Pakistan
stops infiltration in Jammu and Kashmir and hands over the 20 terrorists
named in the most wanted list that was handed over to Islamabad. Although
the visiting US Secretary of State Colin Powell has called for a dialogue
to ease the Indo-Pak diplomatic-military stand-off, India is keen that
Musharraf demonstrates his intentions on the ground before it walks to
the negotiating table.
The General may do so but at a pace that suits him domestically. If
the push comes to shove he may hand over terrorists of so-called Indian
origin in a move to ease the tension. Yet, for Musharraf, it is going
to be a difficult trapeze act.
There is little doubt that Musharraf's vision for Pakistan holds out
the tantalising prospect of a stable, moderate state. But it will take
many months and deep, often painful, shifts in loyalties and thinking
before it will be clear how much he has achieved.Till then Pakistan remains
on the brink.
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