|
The
heightened concern over terrorism and security has stemmed the electoral
decline of the BJP, if not its electoral partners. Compared to the Mood
of the Nation poll of August 2001, there has been a swing of 1.8 per cent
for the BJP alliance and against the Congress alliance. If the Congress'
troubles with Jayalalithaa reach a point of no return, the main opposition
party could be in even more serious trouble. The systematic gains it has
made at the state level since 1999 are in danger of being nullified in
a Lok Sabha poll. The Congress has slipped in Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Madhya
Pradesh and Rajasthan. In Uttar Pradesh, the advances made over the past
year have been virtually wiped out. Despite this, the party is holding
the high ground in Karnataka and Haryana. In Punjab and Gujarat it remains
ahead but not as conclusively as it did six months ago.
Ideally,
the BJP should have expected a surge in Uttar Pradesh, in line with the
national trend. However, the gains appear more modest and seem to be offset
with corresponding gains for the Samajwadi Party. Of course, Lok Sabha
voting preferences are not replicated at the assembly level and the future
of the BJP in the state will depend on the residual support the Congress
retains there.
As for the BJP's allies, the downturn witnessed in August 2001 continues.
The Akali Dal has recovered some ground in Punjab-suggesting that the
assembly poll may be a more closely fought exercise than what is conventional
wisdom-but the unpopularity of O.P. Chautala's INLD continues. However,
N. Chandrababu Naidu's Telugu Desam has gained from the surge in its partner's
fortunes. The only exception is the Telengana region where Chandra Shekhar
Rao's Telengana Rashtriya Samiti is attracting support. In Tamil Nadu,
the shifting alliances in the AIADMK camp seem likely to be advantageous
to the DMK-BJP alliance.
Overall, the gains for the BJP and its allies are not commensurate with
the larger change of the national agenda. The economy is a factor but
leadership could be another.
Who would make the best prime minister?
|
A.B. Vajpayee 38
|
Sonia Gandhi 19
|
|
|
|
|
All figures in per cent. Rest:
don't know/can't say.
|
Last
year witnessed a strange situation of both Vajpayee and Sonia losing popularity
and no third leader gaining in the prime ministerial stakes. The trend
continues as far as Sonia is concerned but Vajpayee has been able to arrest
his own decline marginally. It is, however, clear that Vajpayee hasn't
been a substantial benificiary of an ideological shift. Today, unlike
1998 and 1999, his popularity does not exceed support for the NDA. As
for Sonia, she hasn't even equalled the Congress' popularity.
Rate the performance of the PM
In
terms of performance, this has been a good six months for the prime minister.
Adding those who pronounced his performance as good and outstanding, Vajpayee
now has an approval rating of a staggering 47 per cent, compared to 40
per cent in both August and January of last year. By any reckoning, this
is an enviable record and suggests the Government's handling of events
since September 11 has met with popular approval. So, what should worry
Vajpayee and his colleagues is: why doesn't this popular endorsement translate
into electoral support? Is it a case of trust failing the conversion to
charisma?
Who is the best leader for NDA if Vajpayee
is replaced?
| |
All
|
BJP+voters
|
|
| Lak Krishna Advani |
30
(26)
|
38
(34)
|
| M.M. Joshi |
04
(4)
|
5
(4)
|
| Jaswant Singh |
05
(4)
|
5
(4)
|
| Chandrababu Naidu |
03
(4)
|
2
(4)
|
| Sushma Swaraj |
04
(4)
|
2
(4)
|
|
Figures in per cent. Rating of Aug 2001 in brackets
|
Who is the best leader for Congress if Sonia
is replaced?
| |
All
|
Congress+voters
|
|
| Priyanak Gandhi |
25
(23)
|
27
(27)
|
| Manmohan Singh |
12
(11)
|
11
(10)
|
| Rahul Gandhi |
11
(9)
|
12
(10)
|
| Arjun Singh |
03
(2)
|
3
(2)
|
| Pranab Mukherjee |
02
(2)
|
2
(2)
|
|
Figures in per cent. Rating of Aug 2001 in brackets
|
In a country where incumbency doesn't always count as a disadvantage,
identifying possible successors is always tricky. In the August 2001 poll,
L.K. Advani was perceived as a clear successor to Vajpayee in the NDA
by 26 per cent of the respondents. This time too Advani leads the pack
but with a difference-he is being more clearly identified as a successor
with his rating going up by 4 per cent. In the Congress too, Priyanka
Gandhi holds the dynastic candle and her ratings have gone up by 2 per
cent. Ironically, the Congress chief ministers don't get a look in.
Which issue are you most concerned about?
| |
Jan 2002
|
Jan 2001
|
| Rising prices |
38
|
38
|
| Unemployment |
32
|
34
|
| Government corruption |
10
|
12
|
| Law and order |
04
|
4
|
| Security of India |
10
|
7
|
| Stability of Centre |
03
|
2
|
| Religious and caste issues |
02
|
2
|
|
All figures in per cent.
|
In the past two years, the quality of life has
...
| |
Jan 2002
|
Aug 2001
|
| Improved |
22
|
18
|
| Worsened |
24
|
22
|
| Stayed static |
54
|
59
|
|
All figures in per cent.
|
Except in times of exceptional distress, economics doesn't influence
political choice too much. Yet, when there is a perceived economic downturn,
the effects rub off on politics. Last August, a larger number of people
felt the quality of their lives had worsened. This time, the gap between
those who think they are better off and those who believe they are worse
off has narrowed. It would have narrowed further but for a clear thumbs
down from Tamil Nadu and Kerala. In the past, only the so-called bimaru
states reflected gloom. The Government may, however, be heartened from
early indications of a feel good factor returning to Uttar Pradesh. It
may also read a message from the fact that it is the 18-24 year-olds who
steadfastly believe in a more rosy future.
|