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 CURRENT ISSUE MARCH 18, 2002  

COVER STORY: GUJARAT

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Interview: Narendra Modi

Elsewhere in Gujarat, the problem was broadly similar. The state police force is about 43,000 strong, though only 12,000 of them are armed. The SRP numbers 14,000. The mobs which targeted Muslims in rural areas ranged in strength from 500 to 10,000. In Sardarpura, where 29 people were burnt to death, the mob was over 500-strong while in Pandarwada, where more than 50 were burnt to death in their homes (the police says only eight died) the mob, drawn from people of nearby villages, numbered over 5,000. Gujarat Minister of State for Home Gordhan Jhadaphiya says "there is ample evidence to show that the police resorted to effective firing against rioters". Union Law Minister Arun Jaitley stated in the Rajya Sabha that the police fired 2,000 rounds which killed 98 rioters. In addition, 4,000 people were arrested for rioting in the past week.

   Cover Story
CHRONOLOGY OF A CRISIS

FEB 27, 2002
8.03 AM: Incident at Godhra claims lives of 57 kar sevaks
8.30 AM: Modi is informed of the carnage.
4.30 PM: Gujarat Assembly adjourned and Modi visits Godhra where he holds a meeting, giving shoot-at-sight orders to the police.
10.30 PM: CM holds meeting with senior government officials at Gandhinagar; orders curfew in sensitive places and pre-emptive arrests.

FEB 28, 2002
8.00 AM: Special control room set up in CM's house to monitor the situation during VHP bandh.
12.00 PM: Modi informally contacts Centre for calling in army. Cabinet Secretary T.R. Prasad tells Defence Secretary Y. Narain that army is to be mobilised.
12.30 PM: Vice-Chief of Army Staff Lt-General N.C. Vij tells Narain that only two columns are available as the rest are deployed on the border.
12.35 PM: Prasad directs Narain to advise Chief of Army Staff Gen Padmanabhan to have troops ready due to the rapidly deteriorating situation in Ahmedabad.
12.45 PM: Narain tells Vij to arrange immediate movement of troops to Gujarat.
4.00 PM: Modi requests army deployment following consultations with Advani.
6.45 PM: Cabinet Committee on Security meets under the prime minister's chairmanship; approves the immediate movement of troops to Ahmedabad and other parts of Gujarat. Vajpayee deputes Fernandes to supervise the deployment of troops.
7.00 PM: The Gujarat Government's formal request for army deployment is received in Delhi.
11.30 PM: Airlifting of troops begins.

MARCH 1, 2002
2.30 AM: A brigade reaches Ahmedabad. The 54th Division's General Officer Commanding contacts acting Chief Secretary.
9.00 AM: Discussions between representatives of the army and the state take place, followed by troop flag march in Ahmedabad.

Ahmedabad police received 3,500 calls on
February 28.

The problem, according to former director-general of police M.M. Singh, one of the finest officers Gujarat has seen, began in Godhra on February 27. He says the police should have immediately cordoned off the area from which the attackers came and taken strong action instead of allowing the culprits to flee. This, he says, would have pacified Hindu feelings to some extent right at the very outset. "Where any act is bound to lead to communal violence the police should always take strong steps against the group which has committed the act. That invariably has a salutary effect." Another former police officer feels this didn't happen because quite a few officers in Ahmedabad and other places were too political and partisan towards the Hindutva cadres.

There's also much criticism over the delay in calling for the army's help. According to Modi, he had officially called for the army by 4 p.m. on February 28. By 6.30 p.m. a formal request had landed in Delhi. By 1 a.m. on March 1, George Fernandes had landed in Ahmedabad at Modi's behest. At great personal risk, he bravely took to the streets next morning to check the violence. At 11.30 a.m. the army was staging a flag march in Ahmedabad. (see box)

Significantly, Modi tried to ensure that the bodies of the victims were cremated near the hospital where they were brought for post-mortem at 3.30 a.m. on February 28 from Godhra. The Sola Civil Hospital is on the western outskirts of Ahmedabad where the Muslim population is negligible. Cremating the bodies there, Modi thought, would have helped contain the anger.

Some VHP leaders present at the spot were also under instructions to convince the relatives of the victims to agree to the proposal. But the moment the proposal was floated, the kin of the dead flared up and accused the BJP "of acting in a manner worse than the Congress". Vishnu Sathwara, a VHP worker shouted: "After using us to climb to the top, the BJP leaders have now left us at the mercy of the wolves."

OUT OF HIS STATE: Opposition members led by Sonia demand Modi's resignation

The retaliatory violence began almost as soon as the bodies reached the homes of the Ram sevaks. So, a single action which, had it succeeded, could have contained violence never took off. Says political analyst Arvind Bosmia: "It is beyond the means of the Sangh Parivar to lead such an upsurge. It was largely a spontaneous reaction to the Godhra killings. And not just Modi but the entire Sangh Parivar has been put on this strident path. In fact Modi has been swept up in this militancy."

Says another party worker alluding to the fact that Modi was, until last fortnight, unwilling to take action on issues relating to Hindutva for fear of jeopardising the future of the BJP-led NDA Government at the Centre: "Ever since he took over Modi was hell bent upon becoming a Vajpayee but the people have swept him in the direction of Sardar Patel."

SEE NO EVIL: As thousands-strong mobs took to the streets in revenge attacks everywhere, policemen were reduced to bystanders 98 people were killed in police firing in the state.

There's another story doing the rounds about which few are keen to talk about. According to it, Modi was given an ultimatum on February 27 itself by the VHP leadership to act against the perpetrators of the Godhra carnage by evening or else face the music. By evening that day the police had detained two of the six main accused besides 50 others. That was found to be inadequate by the VHP because the number of attackers in Godhra was over 1,000. Modi, of course, denies this altogether sticking to his stand: "Had the police been inactive how could I have controlled riots in just three days? Just look at Gujarat's history of communal riots. The riots have continued for several days in the past after having once begun."

The polarisation along communal lines is total at the moment. As the secular lobby plays up the anti-Muslim violence more and more while underplaying the Godhra tragedy which was actually the cause of the violence, Modi and the BJP reap more and more benefits at the ground level from the consolidation of the Hindu vote.

Says Kalpesh Shah, an Ahmedabad businessmen: "How can those who are demanding the dismissal of Modi forget that it all began with the Godhra incident? If the anti-Muslim violence was unprecedented the Godhra incident too was unprecedented in independent India. The more the secularists gun for Modi the more popular he will become among the Hindus."

At present, Modi is clearly the unwitting beneficiary of the Hindu backlash. No wonder there are whispers that the next assembly poll due in February 2003, might happen this June. The political dividends might well accrue to the BJP but the March riots will continue to haunt Modi. He will have to live down the image of a man who gained politically from the deaths of innocent people.

with Shishir Gupta

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