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| UNEASY HEAD: Shastri has the uphill task of
putting the administration back on track |
A day after
the Uttar Pradesh assembly election results were declared, an upbeat Samajwadi
Party (SP) General Secretary Amar Singh bragged that his party didn't
need to directly negotiate with the Congress. "Papa (Harkishan Singh)
Surjeet will do the talking," he said. The CPI(M) general secretary
did talk to Congress President Sonia Gandhi on backing a secular regime
(read Mulayam Singh Yadav, SP chief) in the state. But Sonia showed disinterest
and that ended the SP's hopes of forming the government.
More than two weeks after the elections, a popular government is yet
to be put in place in Lucknow. In normal circumstances, President's rule
precedes an assembly election. But Uttar Pradesh is now in for a prolonged
spell following the failure of any party or combination to cough up the
required numbers to form a government. For the people of the state, the
divided mandate may well be a blessing in disguise. After the farce that
went in the name of governance in the past five-and-a-half years, many
have begun to believe that a spell of Central rule might not be a bad
idea after all.
| People think a spell of Central rule may not be
a bad idea after over five years of misrule. |
So when Governor Vishnu Kant Shastri mooted President's rule, the chest
thumping was limited to the SP. For nearly two weeks, Shastri spoke to
leaders of all major parties, including the SP, BJP, BSP and Rashtriya
Lok Dal (RLD). Barring the SP, none staked a claim to form the government.
But with just 145 MLAs, the SP remained far from 202, the number required
for a simple majority. By recommending to Delhi that the state be put
under Central rule, Shastri was merely standing by his public announcement
that he would not wait beyond March 6 for parties to prove they had the
numbers to rule. The Union Cabinet accepted the recommendation on March
7, brushing aside the Opposition's outcry, mainly that of the SP.
Earlier, the SP had chalked out elaborate plans to mount pressure on
Shastri to invite its leader to form the government. But the party's plans
went awry when its newly elected MLA, Mansoor Ahmed from Baheri constituency
in Bareilly district, was shot dead during a demonstration outside the
Lucknow Raj Bhavan. Within a couple of hours, the agitation was called
off even as Mulayam spoke of a "deep conspiracy" behind Ahmed's
death.
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| LONE DISSENTER: Mulayam has slammed the governor's
decision, but his party has neither the numbers nor the backing of
other parties to form a government in the state |
Mulayam may be sore at the developments but then he alone is to blame
for having failed to form a government. In recent years, he has rubbed
the leaders of almost all parties the wrong way. They include Sonia, Mayawati
and even rld's Ajit Singh. According to Congress circles, Sonia did agree
to back the SP but came under immense pressure from within the party to
withhold the letter of support until SP could muster a figure of 175.
This despite the fact that Ghulam Nabi Azad, general secretary in charge
of the state, as well as the majority of the newly elected legislators
were in favour of backing the SP. "We could not be seen to be encouraging
head hunting," says party spokesman S. Jaipal Reddy.
Congress circles say the man who effectively soured Mulayam's dreams
was the former state unit president Salman Khurshid. Two years ago Mulayam
had manipulated Khurshid's ouster from his post. The Congressman settled
scores by advising Sonia against teaming up with the SP.
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| WAITING GAME: Mayawati (left) hopes the BJP
will be forced to make her CM |
Despite the varied noises, there is little doubt that a spell of Central
rule should give breathing space to all the key political players. For
Mulayam, it will ensure that he will not have to tackle the burgeoning
Ayodhya crisis. The BJP hopes it will gain time to bring the BSP to the
negotiating table. The Congress hopes it will be able to strike a better
bargain with Mulayam, and Mayawati hopes that with time running out, the
BJP will be forced to prop her up as chief minister again.
| STATES |
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PREVIOUS
CENTRAL STINTS
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DEC 1992 TO DEC 1993: 363 days. Kalyan Singh government
dismissed following the Babri Masjid demolition. Mulayam takes
over as chief minister after the 1993 polls.
OCT 1995 TO OCT 1996: 364 days. Mayawati government
dismissed after coalition partner BJP withdraws support.
OCT 1996 TO MARCH 1997: 154 days. After elections
throw up a hung assembly, governor Romesh Bhandari refuses
to invite BJP, the largest single party. Central rule imposed.
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State BJP chief Kalraj Mishra says Central rule is "the best option
in the given circumstances". Ajit Singh echoes similar sentiments.
The BSP is guarded, saying it "was natural given the circumstances".
Only the SP predictably has slammed the decision. "It is a crude
design to deprive the SP of a chance to form a government," says
Mulayam.
But the BJP would be well advised to be cautious while seeking to rule
by proxy in the state. For Shastri, with virtually no administrative experience
of any sort, it will be an uphill task to provide even a semblance of
good governance. For one, a majority of the bureaucracy is politicised
and divided into caste compartments. Also, populist measures by successive
regimes from Mayawati to Rajnath Singh and the presence of a jumbo cabinet
have taken their toll on the financial status and administration of the
state.
"It is the most opportune time to bring a derailed administration
back on the tracks," says a principal secretary. In other words,
Shastri has to ensure that Uttar Pradesh will no longer be Ulta (upturned)
Pradesh-an epithet that has for long been used to describe the beleaguered
state.
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