RALLYING SUPPORT: Crowds cheering Musharraf at a rally in Lahore

The most benign and popular dictators can suffer from doubts about their legitimacy. Pakistan's General Pervez Musharraf has always been acutely aware that he follows in a long line of Bonapartists. Since taking over power in a bloodless coup in1999, he has gone out of his way to distance himself from his military predecessors. He has refused to impose martial law, allowed a generally free press and inducted civilian professionals into his cabinet. Even his fiercest opponents were forced to accept that the disarray in their ranks was partly due to the popular support Musharraf managed to elicit from a public tired of the corruption and infighting among career politicians.

But Musharraf's decision to call a national referendum to allow him to continue as president beyond the general elections promised in October shows his insecurities may have got the better of his judgement. Referenda-earlier called by Generals Ayub Khan and Zia-ul-Haq-have always lacked credibility in Pakistan. The latest, set for April 30, has been condemned by most mainstream political parties who have termed it unconstitutional. Pointing out that the method of election of the president is clearly spelt out under law, they have called for a boycott of the vote. Commonwealth Secretary-General Don McKinnon says the referendum "does not appear to be in keeping with the roadmap announced by Musharraf".

The referendum call has also galvanised political opposition, bringing together a religious right smarting from Musharraf's withdrawal of support and centre-left parties such as Benazir Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party. Politicians have every reason to reject Musharraf's attempt to continue in office, as they feel he will emasculate the incoming assemblies.

Aside from personal ambition, many see in the General's gambit an attempt by the military to continue in power. "The army thinks it alone can run this country," says Sajjad Ali Shah, former chief justice of Pakistan. Musharraf will almost surely rely on the bureaucracy and the newly elected local government officials to mobilise voters for the referendum. He will also be counting on what he refers to as "the silent majority". Many people do think he is the best person to lead Pakistan at this juncture. Others, however, may vote with their feet.

-Hasan Zaidi

ACADEMIC FLIGHT
Another Star Deserts Harvard

UP AND AWAY: Sachs

First, it was Anthony Appiah who left Harvard for greener pastures in Princeton University. Now Professor Jeffrey D. Sachs, hitherto director of Harvard's Center for International Development, has been appointed director of the Columbia University Earth Institute.

This is a very high profile institution born out of a collaboration with the Rockefeller University. It is a federation of eight research and teaching centres. From July 1, Sachs will be wearing three professional hats: as professor of economics, international and public affairs and health policy and management. This will be over and above his contribution as special adviser to United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

Over the past few years, pursuing public health policy issues in developing countries-especially the aids pandemic in Africa-has been a passion for the development economics professor. The new appointment, Sachs believes, will provide him a vantage position to push this agenda further.

-Anil Padmanabhan

Seeing Tension

It normally takes a national crisis to stress out a prime minister. TV show The Weakest Link would qualify as one. Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra says he felt "rather stressed after watching the show".

The Thai version of the British quiz show has eight participants. One is voted out after each round, as happens in India's Kamzor Kadii Kaun. Host Kritika Kongsompong sends contestants packing with trademark nastiness.

That is where the problem lies. The words-"Khun khe jud orn. Chern kha! (You are the weakest link. Goodbye!)" -are too harsh in a country that calls itself the "Land of Smiles".