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To wage a
war, generals usually want their armies to strike at a time, place and
manner of their choosing. Last week, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
chose a telling cluster of such factors to signal India's bellicose intentions
towards Pakistan. On May 22, addressing army jawans at Kupwara near the
loc, the prime minister looked grimly across at the high mountains of
Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and said, "A challenge has been thrown
to India and we accept it. My arrival here is indicative of something.
Whether our neighbour understands it or not, whether the world takes note
of it or not, historians will recall that we wrote a new chapter of victory."
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| TALKING TOUGH: Vajpayee greets jawans in Kupwara
at the Line of Control last week |
Coming after the May 14 Kaluchak massacre and his visit there a week
later to comfort grieving relatives, the timing of Vajpayee's warning
was significant. The message: A military offensive had suddenly become
the option. As a senior Government functionary ominously said, "The
train (of war) is about to leave the platform. If Pakistan doesn't take
action against terrorists or the US can't get it to deliver, it will soon
be on its way."
In India's calculus, America can no more, as an official put it, "waltz
in, issue a demarche, get Musharraf to roll over and comply". Also
the US can hardly turn sanctimonious if India decides to exercise its
right to self defence. For Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf, Kashmir
is certainly not in the same league as double-crossing the Taliban. No
insurance policy seems good enough for the Pakistan president to buy off
the jehadis and the army if he ever decided to slacken his zeal for the
Kashmiri cause.
As Pakistan stared into the barrels of a million Indian guns lined across
the border, the moment of reckoning seemed nigh. For the US, it means
showing just how much it is willing to extend its war on terrorism. For
Pakistan, it calls for a move to jettison or moderate a policy it has
been pursuing viciously for the past 50 years. And for India, it indicates
carrying out something it has been threatening to do all these years-actually
strike Pakistan first. No one is certain that a limited war which India
plans to wage will remain that way. At this incredible intersection of
moments, the world watches with trepidation.
Redrawing the Line of Control
Option 1
OPERATION SALAMI SLICE
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| THE BIG THRUST: Indian jawans training for
an assault across the LoC in the Kargil sector. It has treacherous
snow-clad peaks and a hostile climate which exact a heavy toll |
The Indian prime minister seemed inclined last week to embrace the dictum
of Sun Tzu, the ancient Chinese war expert, who wrote, "So long as
victory can be attained, stupid haste is preferable to clever dilatoriness."
The need to demonstrate an electrifying military victory of some substance
is now determining the shape and size of India's plans for an offensive.
As General (retd) Ved Prakash Malik, former chief of army staff, points
out, "War is one game that you cannot lose or draw, especially if
you are the bigger country."
Also, with the monsoon due by June 30 in the mountains of Kashmir, the
window of opportunity is narrowing for India because the rain would complicate
military action. General (retd) V.N. Sharma, another former chief of army
staff, believes that India "should either make a loud noise or none
at all". Not enough, though, to cascade into a full-fledged war with
Pakistan that has in any case been ruled out ever since that country crossed
the nuclear threshold in the late 1980s.
The earlier plan of precision air strikes against terrorist camps located
across the loc to demonstrate some military resolve is being put under.
Defence analyst Air Marshal (retd) Kapil Kak argues, "Such strikes
have only symbolic value as these camps are ramshackle structures built
in crappy places with no real estate. They can spring up elsewhere and
terrorists can continue to torment India with ease."
A growing band of defence experts including those in the Government
is now veering towards what in military terms is called a "salami
slice offensive" (see graphic). Much like the way a chef chops salami,
the idea is to rapidly capture small swathes of territory in PoK and hold
them as a bargaining chip while signalling clearly that India didn't want
the war to escalate to other areas.
The likely targets of such offensives are in the high mountains adjoining
the Uri sector or in the Poonch-Rajouri sector south of the Pir Panjal.
It is in these areas that Pakistan has supported the maximum number of
terrorist camps and used advantageous hill features to facilitate infiltration.
India could justify making such an attack, stating it was only going after
Pakistan's terrorist network and had no larger plans to annex territory.
This would also allay international fears of an all-out war.
Before such strikes are mounted, Pakistani Army bunkers, artillery gun
positions, ammunition dumps, supply lines, key communication facilities
are detected through a surveillance network of satellites, unmanned aerial
vehicles, reconnaissance aircraft and human intelligence. The offensive
usually begins with heavy artillery shelling or a fire assault for 48
hours in the area of strike. "The idea is to exhaust the enemy's
morale in the area of fire, knock out its artillery, command and control
centres and disrupt its supplies," says Lt-General (retd) Vinay Shanker,
a former director-general of artillery.
On D-Day, to ensure that the area is "sanitised", Indian Air
Force fighters taking off from air bases in Udhampur, Srinagar and Pathankot
would launch raids to knock the remaining Pakistani fortification and
gain air superiority in the region. Air Chief Marshal (retd) A.Y. Tipnis,
former chief of air staff, says air action is most effective for a degradation
battle because it causes the "greatest damage" to the enemy's
war-waging potential in the least possible time.
For the "slice" plan, an infantry division (around 10,000
men) would be used to physically occupy territory. The Indian intrusion
could be as much as 10 km deep and 3 km wide in a day, giving India 300
sq km in just 10 days. The speed with which India accomplishes it would
give it the edge. Pakistan could retaliate by trying similar offensives
on the Indian side of the loc coupled with air strikes. But any effort
to escalate the war to other fronts would bring international intervention.
And Delhi could use the territory captured to drive a hard bargain with
Islamabad.
Defence experts say the problem with a salami slice offensive is that
it is something both armies have readied for over 20 years. Given the
"tyranny of the territory" as it is called, both sides know
where an attack could be mounted and are well prepared. This has reduced
the surprise element, which is so vital for success, to a bare minimum.
Kak calls for trying something that is "unexpected, innovative, inconceivable
and which pays fast dividends".
Some defence experts feel the best option is what is termed a "PoK
chop". It is designed to strike Pakistani army fortifications 100
km deep in PoK and take towns such as Skardu. It means capturing a finger
of territory deep inside the PoK and holding it to bargain. Such an assault
would begin with massive air attacks to degrade Pakistani fortifications
(see chart) followed by an entire brigade being paradropped to hold Skardu
"It's the kind of shock treatment that could leave Pakistan in a
daze," says Shanker. But it comes with a much heavier strike force
and there is every chance of Musharraf rapidly escalating the conflict
into a full-fledged war.
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