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If that happens
it will involve tank battles, submarine warfare and air battles extending
from Siachen to Gujarat and the Arabian Sea. The "PoK chop"
will bring the Indian Navy into the battle. India's sole aircraft carrier,
the INS Viraat, and the missile-firing Kilo-class submarines will be pressed
into operations. The navy's targets will be Karachi, Pasni and Gwadar
harbours with its Jaguars and carrier-launched Harriers attacking the
coastal formations.
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| GETTING READY: Indian jawans in nuclear, biological
and chemical weapon-proof suits conduct exercises in the Rajasthan
desert |
However, the chances of exercising such an option by June end are limited
because it could take a month. The army would want some cushion to ensure
success. Since a full-scale war will hamper the air movement of US troops
operating from Pakistan on the Afghanistan and anti-Al Qaida flush-out
along the Durand Line, this option may put Indo-US relationship under
strain. The international community and the UN may intervene because of
the possibility of nuclear strikes. To scare other nations into holding
back India, Pakistan was all too keen to raise the nuclear bogey last
week. Lt-General (retd) Javed Ashraf Qazi, a senior minister in Musharraf's
cabinet, openly stated that Pakistan would use the nuclear option "if
its existence as a nation was threatened".
| Cover
Story |
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GENERAL
SPEAK |
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A clutch of former brass give their options
V.P.
MALIK: Hold your fire for now
The former chief of army staff, who led India to victory
at Kargil, supports military action yet doesn't want India
to be reactive. Wants a strike only when India is fully prepared.
Says Malik: "The problem for an attack now is that we
have lost the element of surprise. Don't forget it took the
US a month to strike back after 9/11."
V.N.
SHARMA: Big noise or nothing
The former chief of army staff believes India should use
massive force on small targets across the LoC. He argues that
Musharraf does not have the guts to nuke India because that
may lead to Pakistan's obliteration. "We should not be
afraid of conducting a full-fledged war if Musharraf wants
to expand the fronts," he says.
VINAY
SHANKAR: No holds barred
The former director-general of artillery is in favour
of a shock offensive if there is time. He believes a PoK chop
operation may be viable after September but if India can't
wait it should do the salami strike. Says Shanker: "We
must pick up as much territory in the offensive and then use
it as a bargaining chip against Pakistan."
A.Y.
TIPNIS: Air action is the key
The former chief of air staff believes that air strikes
across the LoC is the most effective plan as it would inflict
the greatest damage in the shortest time. But unlike in Kargil,
he wants the air force to cross the LoC. Says Tipnis: "India
should not dither lest its military credibility is seriously
dented."
KAPIL
KAK : Don't picket fence
The former air vice-marshal is a staunch advocate of the salami
slice option as he believes that it has the best yield with
least risks. But he says India should not indulge in a knee-jerk
reaction. Says Kak: "It has to be a carefully calibrated
offensive to make sure that we are not crossing Musharraf's
threshold."
V.
R. RAGHAVAN: No, not now
The former director-general of military operations believes
India should focus on ensuring the Kashmir elections are conducted
and then launch an offensive. "If we do it now the elections
would go for a six and we will lose international sympathy.
Pakistan may rally behind Musharraf and our gains will be
minimal," he says.
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Meanwhile, there were indications that India was actively considering
the two strategies. Although it went largely unnoticed, the joint army-air
force firepower exercise at the Mahajan firing ranges in the Suratgarh-Bikaner
sector on May 21 could well have been a rehearsal for a salami slice operation.
Witnessed by Defence Minister George Fernandes, Army chief S. Padamanabhan
and Air chief S. Krishnaswamy, the exercise code-named "Operation
Parakram III" was to judge the military's strike potential. Not only
did a range of Indian Air Force fighters participate in the exercise,
but the Indian artillery also scorched the Mahajan ranges with 155 mm
and 130 mm high explosive shells in the mock "fire assault".
As part of a broader plan, India moved its warships under the Eastern
Naval Command in Visakhapatnam to the Mumbai-based Western Naval Command.
Defence Secretary Yogendra Narain, who visited Washington for the Defence
Policy Group meeting last week, conveyed the need for the Indian and US
Navy to identify coded links so that the two navies do not have any misunderstanding
in case Indian warships move towards Karachi port.
Cabinet Secretary T.R. Prasad last week called secretary-level meetings
to take stock of the petroleum, diesel, and foodgrain stocks to ensure
that people do not suffer if and when India goes for the military strikes.
According to senior officials, India has petrol and diesel stocks to last
for more than 71 days, while it has aviation turbine fuel for another
102 days.
In his haste for action, however, Vajpayee did ignore some of the tenets
of Baron Von Clausewitz. The famed Prussian military analyst wrote that
the decision to go to war should be based on a "golden trinity of
factors": the competence of the military, the will and clarity of
the government and public and international support.
Despite the harsh lessons of the Kargil war, the past three years have
only seen an incremental improvement in the Indian armed forces' fighting
strength. Key equipment such as gun locating radars have still not arrived.
Intelligence, which failed massively during the Kargil intrusion, is still
suspect and most of the changes are cosmetic. Vajpayee too has been considerably
weakened because his party suffered a series of setbacks in the recent
assembly polls and the poor handling of the Gujarat crisis saw his image
plummet.
Worse, the Government is only now trying to garner international support.
Vajpayee has shot off letters to US President George W. Bush, Russian
President Vladimir Putin and British Prime Minister Tony Blair talking
of how India may now be forced to "take the ultimate step".
But most countries are still asking why now instead of why not. When once
asked what the biggest asset he had during the Kargil war was, General
Malik answered in one word: righteousness. While key countries are sympathetic
towards India and feel that Pakistan has to do "something",
they still believe that the stage for war has not been reached.
| India wants Pakistan to... |
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Stop infiltrating terrorists into India and show tangible results
in that direction within a week.
Disband the 70 terrorist training camps that have come up in PoK
after Pervez Musharraf's speech on January 12.
Take action against the 3,000 terrorists who are waiting to infiltrate
into India and disrupt the forthcoming elections in Jammu and Kashmir.
Stop funding jehadi groups that foment violence against India
and hand over the 20 wanted terrorists listed by India.
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Nothing seemed to galvanise an ambivalent US Administration as Vajpayee's
threat. A senior US official had an old metaphor for Vajpayee's decision
to make his threat to Pakistan credible: driving a car full speed against
Musharraf's vehicle, then before the point of impact, throwing out the
steering wheel to indicate he wasn't going to swerve. The last thing the
US wants is a subcontinental war that will, as a State Department official
profanely put it, "screw our interests completely" by unravelling
its coalition against terror.
Bush got his senior cabinet colleagues to burn the phone lines between
Washington and Delhi. A cavalcade of leaders from Europe then paraded
to Islamabad and ostensibly admonished Musharraf.
The US too is expected to put a bunsen burner under Musharraf to get
him to behave. Next month, the no nonsense US Deputy Secretary of State
Richard Armitage is expected to do some tough talking with the Pakistani
president. The US will warn Musharraf that it will no longer allow him
to use its forces as "a shield for his shit". And that if push
comes to shove, Musharraf may well find himself on his own in a limited
war with India.
Last week India said it would pull back from the brink only if Musharraf
brought a significant reduction in cross-border infiltration and closed
70 terrorist camps in the PoK.
Indian policymakers believed that given his dismal track record Musharraf
would only do "a lot of temporarising" to delay an Indian action.
Later, he is expected to weasel out of any iron-clad commitment. They
think Musharraf doesn't have the character and the gumption to act.
India now seems poised to fire the first shot. It will certainly not
be the last. The next few weeks will see the military drama unfold with
many acts and curtain calls.
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