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He's known
as the Missile Man and, fittingly enough, his selection last week as the
certain President-elect was a bolt from the blue. If politics is the art
of the impossible, it will be on display when 70-year-old A.P.J. Abdul
Kalam takes over, as he is widely expected to, as the Republic's 12th
President. The choice of Kalam caught everyone off balance. The presidential
sweepstakes seemed a contest among P.C. Alexander, the original NDA candidate,
a second term for incumbent K.R. Narayanan, the Congress favourite, or
the elevation of Vice-President Krishan Kant. Kalam's name was not on
the radar screen.
Then, late on June 9, with the presidential issue deadlocked, Prime Minister
Atal Bihari Vajpayee telephoned Kalam in his humble Chennai apartment
to offer him the country's highest office. In cricketing terms, the NDA
had bowled a googly at the Opposition. The high drama and intrigue preceding
Kalam's nomination were almost surreal. Despite the roars of protest from
the left parties, the Congress could not object to this name. He was a
man of distinction, a member of a minority community and, most important,
an icon with the assertive middle classes.
True, Kalam is hardly what Rashtrapati Bhavan is used to. With his unruly
shock of hair, his signature sandals, bush shirt and trousers, and an
air of a distracted don, he appears the proverbial square peg in a round
hole. Yet he showed great acumen and a lot of grace in calling Congress
President Sonia Gandhi to thank her for endorsing his candidature, even
if very grudgingly.
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SURPRISE
CHOICE: Kalam will be India's next President |
As a consensus candidate Kalam's credentials are impeccable. A Muslim
in Rashtrapati Bhavan may be politically correct, but he is seen as a
man of honour, besides being one of the great scientific minds of our
time. What was jarring was the backstage intrigue.
ACT ONE: ELIMINATION
Vajpayee and his colleagues were desperately searching for a nominee
who would suit the NDA bill and enjoy wide political acceptance. Unwittingly,
Kalam became the weapon of a devastating political strike. In a matter
of six days, Kalam's candidature saw the People's Front breaking up and
the Congress sheepishly toeing the great consensus.
By picking a rank outsider, the NDA stymied the Opposition, but not
before a drama of bluff, double cross and palace intrigue. When a conclave
of senior NDA ministers at Vajpayee's 7 Race Course Road residence agreed
on the evening of June 9 that Kalam should be the ruling coalition's nominee,
the hunt for the scientist's mobile number began. A joint secretary in
the PMO was tasked to trace Kalam. When the architect of India's missile
programme graciously accepted Vajpayee's offer, a sense of relief washed
over those present at the prime minister's residence.
The game began when Vajpayee ruled out a second term for Narayanan.
For the past four years, Narayanan had not exactly endeared himself to
the NDA. The prime minister was upset with the President almost since
he staked claim in 1998. Narayanan has been periodically raising uncomfortable
questions over selection of judges, use of Article 356 and appointment
of various constitutional authorities. The President's ideological distaste
for the Vajpayee Government was no great secret.
With a bare 55 per cent of the 11 lakh votes with the NDA, the prime
minister was not willing to run risks. Yet, both Vajpayee and Home Minister
L.K. Advani were clear about their fundamentals-the next president should
not be part of either the Left or baptised in Congress culture.
The decision would be taken by a cabal which comprised, besides Vajpayee,
Advani, Defence Minister and NDA Convener George Fernandes, External Affairs
Minister Jaswant Singh, Parliamentary Affairs Minister Pramod Mahajan
and Rural Development Minister M. Venkaiah Naidu. When the group first
met on June 5, the shortlist included K.C. Pant, L.M. Singhvi, Kalam and
Viren Shah. The favourite was Maharashtra Governor P.C. Alexander, the
choice of Mahajan, Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray and Nationalist Congress
Party leader Sharad Pawar. The group was virtually unanimous about Alexander
but awaited further consultations with the allies and opposition leaders.
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