Late in the summer of 2002, a debate began in the BJP-led NDA Government on the merits and demerits of privatising two public sector corporations-Bharat Petroleum and Hindustan Petroleum. Like a mosquito biting its way to more human blood, the issue gradually gained weight. It moved to a dispute on privatisation per se, then to an argument on market economics-and finally, as the entire Sangh Parivar got into the act, into a full-fledged attack on Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his Government.

Cover

OTHER STORIES RELATED TO COVER Interview — K.S. Sudarshan Last Chance Saloon

Disinvestment in the petroleum sector was only a trigger. It unleashed pent up anger from the BJP's sister organisations on a host of issues. Vajpayee was deemed a failure:
by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for failing to tackle terrorism, surrendering the "nationalist" space in Jammu in the state elections and for failing to "neutralise" Pakistan.
by the Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) for allegedly selling out to foreign capital and crippling domestic industry.
by the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) for proposing privatisation and liberal labour laws.
by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) for failing to make any headway on the Ayodhya temple issue.

VHP: The hardline group has attacked Vajpayee for failing to deliver on Hindutva aspirations.

SJM: Claiming to represent swadeshi, the Sangh affiliate lobbies for corporate interests. Its latest victim is privatisation.

BMS: The RSS' labour wing has stymied labour reforms crucial to improving the investment climate.

RSS: Refuses to play peacemaker and has become a listening post for dissidents. It seeks to micro-manage the Government.

As summer turned to autumn, the acrimony grew worse, with one or the other Sangh affiliate breathing fire at the Government. In the end, a summit meeting was called on October 24 at the prime minister's residence. The BJP was represented by Vajpayee, Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani and party President M. Venkaiah Naidu. The RSS' and affiliates' point was put forward by RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan and joint general secretaries H.V. Seshadri and Madandas Devi. The peace conference, however, was anything but peaceful; reconciliation was far from adequate. Vajpayee is still in danger of public attack-and the BJP and RSS are that much closer to separation.

So what happened at the meeting? As talks began, the conversation steered towards the VHP's propensity to make provocative statements-from demanding war with Pakistan to referring to political rivals as "Italian dogs". Naidu went on the offensive. A few days earlier, he noted, five Dalits had been killed in Haryana's Jhajjar village for skinning a cow's carcass . VHP leader Giriraj Kishore, Naidu said, had publicly stated that the life of a cow was as "sacred", if not more, as that of the five Dalits.

What Naidu implied was that such callous and casteist remarks brought no credit to the Sangh Parivar. What's more, while the VHP and the rest of the Sangh were parochial bodies, it was the BJP, the mass political party, that was left carrying the can, facing flak for the VHP's insensitivity and recklessness. Vajpayee, who had already expressed his distress over the Jhajjar killings, nodded. Advani too made his impatience obvious.

Naidu's message was clear. The imperatives of a party answerable to its coalition partners and, indeed, to the country, were very different from those of its ideologically hung-up or fad-driven siblings. Taken aback, Sudarshan and company decided on a counter-attack. From then on, the body language was stiff and unyielding. Vajpayee hardly spoke. While the RSS brass agreed that the VHP should temper its language, they also felt the Government must facilitate some progress on the Ram temple. The BJP leaders underlined their commitment to the NDA agenda, which explicitly excludes the Ayodhya issue.

Finally, the BJP agreed to approach the courts afresh to seek permission for transfer of some of the government-acquired land in Ayodhya to the VHP. But the party took care to point out that it was the VHP's abrasive statements and actions in February-March this year that had compromised Vajpayee's standing and vitiated the national mood. This, in turn, had contributed to the Supreme Court enforcing the status quo on the acquired land around the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid site. The VHP was hoist with its own petard and it could hardly go on abusing Vajpayee.

ALIENATED ALLY: Advani is unhappy with RSS interference in governance

Ayodhya was only the initial skirmish. On economic reforms, specifically privatisation and liberalising of labour laws, there was simply no middle ground. The RSS' insistence that the Government "interact" with the BMS and SJM amounted to asking Vajpayee to roll back key initiatives and, in effect, jettison economic growth in the short run.

The RSS was also harshly critical of the Government's response to terrorism, refusing to see any merit in the annihilation of the extremists who took over Gandhinagar's Akshardham temple in September. In short, the BJP was doing nothing right.

The provocations forced the BJP to join issue. "We continue to draw inspiration from the RSS' discipline and nationalist ideals," Naidu told India Today, "but we have to consider how our common cause can be served best. The BJP and its allies have stuck to the NDA agenda. We will continue to do so."

Vajpayee himself is keenly aware that his Parivar critics will settle for nothing less than his abdication. A BJP functionary who met the prime minister recently urged him not to put up with his critics. The RSS' role was only encouraging rebellious cabinet ministers, he said, and dissent had to be overruled demonstratively. When told a compromise formula that allowed other public sector companies to bid for HPCL and BPCL was workable, Vajpayee responded, "Are you sure? Go and have another talk with the Sangh." No wonder the truce of October 24 looks so fragile, the prime minister so hemmed in.

The statements of Sangh organs speak for themselves. The October 13 editorial of Panchajanya, the RSS newspaper, said the Government "belongs to the dustbin of history". The SJM has opposed Nalco's disinvestment and attacked the N.K. Singh Committee report calling for a more liberal regime to attract foreign investment. When Advani tried to persuade the RSS to drop its demand for trifurcating Jammu and Kashmir, he was spurned outright.

INTERNAL EQUATIONS
		MURLI MANOHAR JOSHI The minister for human resource development is close to the RSS, but has reservations about attacks on Vajpayee. Feels they strengthen Advani.				SAHIB SINGH VERMA The labour minister sports a RSS pedigree, but has avoided taking a firm stand on reforms.
		ANANTH KUMAR The minister for urban development has said disinvestment needs to be reconsidered. Lobbies hard with RSS brass but is at odds with the Sangh's unit in his constituency.				PRAMOD MAHAJAN The IT and parliamentary affairs minister is instinctively a liberaliser and has had reservations about RSS interventions in the political arena.
		SHANTA KUMAR A quintessential RSS man, the food minister has not been able to adhere to his ministry's reform targets. He will prefer to keep a low profile.				JANA KRISHNAMURTHY Muscled his way into the Cabinet, the law minister does not like either Vajpayee or Advani. Will go along with the RSS line.
		UMA BHARATI The coal and mines minister has opposed Nalco disinvestment with missionary zeal. Will back the RSS position on all issues unhesitatingly.				RAM NAIK The petroleum minister has sought to lever the influence of the RSS in his bid to stall oil sector privatisation. His objectives are in sync with those of the RSS.
		SUSHMA SWARAJ The information and broadcasting minister has tried to be close to the RSS. Will keep a safe distance.				A.B. VAJPAYEE The prime minister is deeply unhappy over the RSS attacks which have been tinged with personal animus. He is keen to signal that his policies are on track.
		L.K. ADVANI The deputy prime minister has always been close to the RSS. Has also acted as a bridge with the Sangh. But he finds the RSS interventions ill-informed and does not see a political role for the organisation.				YASHWANT SINHA The external affairs minister was given a hard time by the RSS when he was the finance minister. Strong advocate of reforms. Though he is not an RSS man, he will stay out of the firing line.
		JASWANT SINGH The finance minister has never identified with the RSS. With reforms being a key component of his brief, he will favour the curtailing of the RSS role.				SHATRUGHAN SINHA The health minister is not an RSS man. Since he is close to both Vajpayee and Advani, he will sit motionlessly on the fence.
		JAGMOHAN The tourism minister's lifestyle, while simple, has never been reflective of RSS culture. A firm administrator, he does not share the RSS' viewpoint.				ARUN SHOURI Though the disinvestment minister has been strongly pro-RSS, he has fundamental differences with the organisation on economic policies.
		SHAHNAWAZ HUSSAIN The civil aviation minister has opposed disinvestment in his ministry. While keen to keep his turf, he will lie low in case of hostilities.

The last time the Parivar caused a major headache for the BJP, the NDA adopted a resolution on February 2, 1999. "Since the BJP is the core of our alliance," it read, "it shall make every effort to ensure that the prestige and cohesiveness of the coalition are not diluted by organisations belonging to its ideological fraternity." With the winter session of Parliament approaching, the Government has reason to worry.

Politics is rarely easy to understand. The divorce of the BJP and the RSS is often confusing and sometimes contradictory. In Gujarat, the only state where the VHP has a mass base and which sees elections in December, the Sangh is a united parivar. Yet, facilitating Chief Minister Narendra Modi's re-election may be used by votaries of hardline Hindutva to challenge Vajpayee afresh.

Also significant is the RSS' Jammu experiment. In the recent election in a region that is the "Hindu heartland" of India's most troubled state, the RSS walked out on the BJP and floated the Jammu State Morcha (JSM). Coincidentally, in 1983, the RSS had backed Indira Gandhi's "Hindu line" in Jammu. This was a precursor to the Sangh's support to Rajiv Gandhi in the 1984 general elections. The BJP was reduced to two seats in the Lok Sabha.

PARIVAR AT WAR
	The Sangh clan appears increasingly fractious with room for dialogue and
	consensus shrinking
			VHP The Temple Chant ASHOK SINGHAL President						RSS Saffron Remix K.S. SUDARSHAN RSS Chief
	Wants construction of Ram temple to begin at once. Feels that legal blocks are an excuse. BJP'S REPLY: While the Supreme Court directive can't be flouted, the Government will approach the court afresh. Feels VHP is responsible for its own plight.   Feels response to terrorism is inadequate. Says it is not bound to support the BJP. REBUTTAL: India has gained the upper hand, world recognises Pakistan's mischief. Sabre-rattling and loud rhetoric are counter-productive.   Wants Vajpayee's Principal Secretary Brajesh Mishra sacked and PMO disbanded. COUNTER: It is the prime minister's prerogative to appoint his officials. The criticism of the PMO is misplaced as it has had very little to do in the Ayodhya tangle.						Feels the BJP is straying from Hindutva agenda while catering to NDA compulsions. BJP'S REPLY: The party is wedded to the NDA agenda and will avoid disrupting the coalition. But issues such as infiltration can be raised.  Feels that economic reforms are not suited for India. Wants to adopt a swadeshi model. REBUTTAL: Reforms are irreversible, but the Government would like to stress developmental programmes such as road construction and housing.  Wants the BJP to meet and listen to Sangh organisations more frequently. BJP'S REPLY: This is always possible, but dialogue should not be one-sided. There has to be a genuine give and take. Will not succumb to Parivar armtwisting on policy matters.
			SJM Stalling Disinvestment MURLIDHAR RAO Joint Convener						BMS Labour Pains HASMUKHBHAI DAVE General Secretary
	Wants a rethink on disinvestment. Argues against sale of profit-making PSUs. BJP'S REPLY: Most of the PSUs sold have been loss-making. The disinvestment programme can be improved but not abandoned.   Has opposed opening of new sectors to FDI, conjures scare scenarios of MNC takeovers. COUNTER: FDI is a key component of the 10th Five Year Plan. While committed to reforms, the question of FDI will be settled on a case-by-case basis.   Does not agree with the Government's formulations for downsizing. BJP'S REPLY: A smaller government with less red tape is desirable. Vacancies in government jobs will not be filled to the maximum extent. There will be pruning at the top as well.						Does not support liberalisation of hire-and-fire laws. Does not want disinvestment either. BJP'S REPLY: Without labour reforms, India will not improve as an investment destination. Safety net for workers can be discussed.   Is one with other trade unions in demanding employer-government-employee talks. RESPONSE: The proposal can be considered. The Government is ready for more frequent interactions. Argues reforms will not shrink jobs.  Wants a trade union representative on the PM's economic advisory council. GOVERNMENT'S REPLY: No commitment is possible. But there are other fora for labour. The ILC can also meet more often. The Labour Commission's report must be discussed.

This time the sole JSM MLA elected to the Assembly in Srinagar has jumped ship and aligned with the Congress. As for the rest of the RSS, it may not back the Congress in the next general elections but wouldn't mind if the BJP got a hiding.

At the root of the RSS-BJP crisis is not merely ideological divide but also a personality clash. Sangh old-timers feel that the RSS leadership has become increasingly inward-looking and ostrich-like. Previous RSS chiefs like Balasaheb Deoras displayed a more deft understanding of realpolitik. In the 1970s, Deoras urged the Jan Sangh to join Jayaprakash Narayan's movement against Indira Gandhi.

SANGH OARSMEN
	The RSS team has charted a new and controversial course by dabbling
	in politics
			H.V. SESHADRI Joint General Secretary						MOHAN BHAGWAT General Secretary
	The 76-year-old Sangh veteran has held the key organisational post of RSS general secretary thrice on the trot. Widely respected in the BJP as well, this former lecturer can play neutral umpire.						A graduate from Nagpur, he shuns public exposure. Concentrates on keeping tabs on the RSS' vast network of shakhas. The 53-year-old is not known to have any special interest in political matters.
			MADANDAS DEVI Joint General Secretary						M.G. VAIDYA Spokesman
	Was associated with the ABVP and the SJM in the past. His relative lack of seniority-he is 60-makes it difficult for him to manage the RSS gerontocracy. Is the link between BJP and RSS.						In his 70s, he has a penchant for stirring up controversy. Many in the BJP feel that the RSS does not need a public face. He has strongly supported the demand for the trifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir.

Before Sudarshan took over in March 2000, Professor Rajendra Singh, better known as "Rajju bhaiyya", kept a low profile, though he was a "hands on" RSS chief. As a Sangh veteran points out, "He kept an eye on political appointments, but did so unobtrusively." In case of Sudarshan, the intervention is overt and lacks finesse. On becoming sarsanghchalak, he immediately demanded Vajpayee "bring in economic advisers who believe in the swadeshi concept". Combined with his claim that the Babri Masjid was brought down by a Pakistan-engineered bomb blast, it only made the RSS chief look silly.

Insecurity has also set in among the old guard. Since 1995, the number of RSS shakhas has remained static at 43,000. One of the reasons, say RSS sources, is the sharper focus on allied bodies. "There is a constant demand for swayamsevaks from the SJM and BMS. The focus has shifted from the RSS' own growth," an RSS elder concedes. The VHP has emerged as an assertive, even extremist, element. Today, if the RSS has 25-30 lakh odd members, the VHP has 25 lakh and the BMS 65 lakh. There has been a clear power shift.

GOOD OLD DAYS: Sangh old-timer Vajpayee (left) must be missing the patriarchal presence of previous RSS chiefs like Golwalker

Where does this leave the BJP? In the late 1980s and early 1990s, saffron ideologues like Advani and K.N. Govindacharya fashioned the idea of the Parivar as a harmoniser of divergent, though not always conflicting, interests. Now, Sudarshan has junked it all (see interview). Pravin Togadia, VHP international general secretary, agrees: "We have stopped using the word Parivar. It is imposed by others. We are autonomous bodies with our own agenda. The BJP had no monopoly on our support."

A section of the RSS feels Vajpayee is susceptible to pressure. If it is applied in a sustained manner, he will crack. "It is like the VHP slogan for the Babri Masjid demolition, 'ek dhakka aur do (one more push)'," says a BJP office-bearer. Recently, when a senior BJP leader told Vajpayee of the party's denouncement of VHP and SJM criticism, he said, "Yeh statementbazi se kya hoga, kuch karna padega (Mere statements will not do, something will have to be done)." If Vajpayee wants to complete his term and with credit, he will have to do much of the doing himself. If, on the other hand, he can't stand the heat, he will find the RSS only too happy to open the kitchen door.
-with Ashok Malik

-with Nidhi Taparia Rathi

Late in the summer of 2002, a debate began in the BJP-led NDA Government on the merits and demerits of privatising two public sector corporations-Bharat Petroleum and Hindustan Petroleum. Like a mosquito biting its way to more human blood, the issue gradually gained weight. It moved to a dispute on privatisation per se, then to an argument on market economics-and finally, as the entire Sangh Parivar got into the act, into a full-fledged attack on Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his Government.

Cover

OTHER STORIES RELATED TO COVER Interview — K.S. Sudarshan Last Chance Saloon

Disinvestment in the petroleum sector was only a trigger. It unleashed pent up anger from the BJP's sister organisations on a host of issues. Vajpayee was deemed a failure:
by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for failing to tackle terrorism, surrendering the "nationalist" space in Jammu in the state elections and for failing to "neutralise" Pakistan.
by the Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) for allegedly selling out to foreign capital and crippling domestic industry.
by the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) for proposing privatisation and liberal labour laws.
by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) for failing to make any headway on the Ayodhya temple issue.

VHP: The hardline group has attacked Vajpayee for failing to deliver on Hindutva aspirations.

SJM: Claiming to represent swadeshi, the Sangh affiliate lobbies for corporate interests. Its latest victim is privatisation.

BMS: The RSS' labour wing has stymied labour reforms crucial to improving the investment climate.

RSS: Refuses to play peacemaker and has become a listening post for dissidents. It seeks to micro-manage the Government.

As summer turned to autumn, the acrimony grew worse, with one or the other Sangh affiliate breathing fire at the Government. In the end, a summit meeting was called on October 24 at the prime minister's residence. The BJP was represented by Vajpayee, Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani and party President M. Venkaiah Naidu. The RSS' and affiliates' point was put forward by RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan and joint general secretaries H.V. Seshadri and Madandas Devi. The peace conference, however, was anything but peaceful; reconciliation was far from adequate. Vajpayee is still in danger of public attack-and the BJP and RSS are that much closer to separation.

So what happened at the meeting? As talks began, the conversation steered towards the VHP's propensity to make provocative statements-from demanding war with Pakistan to referring to political rivals as "Italian dogs". Naidu went on the offensive. A few days earlier, he noted, five Dalits had been killed in Haryana's Jhajjar village for skinning a cow's carcass . VHP leader Giriraj Kishore, Naidu said, had publicly stated that the life of a cow was as "sacred", if not more, as that of the five Dalits.

What Naidu implied was that such callous and casteist remarks brought no credit to the Sangh Parivar. What's more, while the VHP and the rest of the Sangh were parochial bodies, it was the BJP, the mass political party, that was left carrying the can, facing flak for the VHP's insensitivity and recklessness. Vajpayee, who had already expressed his distress over the Jhajjar killings, nodded. Advani too made his impatience obvious.

Naidu's message was clear. The imperatives of a party answerable to its coalition partners and, indeed, to the country, were very different from those of its ideologically hung-up or fad-driven siblings. Taken aback, Sudarshan and company decided on a counter-attack. From then on, the body language was stiff and unyielding. Vajpayee hardly spoke. While the RSS brass agreed that the VHP should temper its language, they also felt the Government must facilitate some progress on the Ram temple. The BJP leaders underlined their commitment to the NDA agenda, which explicitly excludes the Ayodhya issue.

Finally, the BJP agreed to approach the courts afresh to seek permission for transfer of some of the government-acquired land in Ayodhya to the VHP. But the party took care to point out that it was the VHP's abrasive statements and actions in February-March this year that had compromised Vajpayee's standing and vitiated the national mood. This, in turn, had contributed to the Supreme Court enforcing the status quo on the acquired land around the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid site. The VHP was hoist with its own petard and it could hardly go on abusing Vajpayee.

ALIENATED ALLY: Advani is unhappy with RSS interference in governance

Ayodhya was only the initial skirmish. On economic reforms, specifically privatisation and liberalising of labour laws, there was simply no middle ground. The RSS' insistence that the Government "interact" with the BMS and SJM amounted to asking Vajpayee to roll back key initiatives and, in effect, jettison economic growth in the short run.

The RSS was also harshly critical of the Government's response to terrorism, refusing to see any merit in the annihilation of the extremists who took over Gandhinagar's Akshardham temple in September. In short, the BJP was doing nothing right.

The provocations forced the BJP to join issue. "We continue to draw inspiration from the RSS' discipline and nationalist ideals," Naidu told India Today, "but we have to consider how our common cause can be served best. The BJP and its allies have stuck to the NDA agenda. We will continue to do so."

Vajpayee himself is keenly aware that his Parivar critics will settle for nothing less than his abdication. A BJP functionary who met the prime minister recently urged him not to put up with his critics. The RSS' role was only encouraging rebellious cabinet ministers, he said, and dissent had to be overruled demonstratively. When told a compromise formula that allowed other public sector companies to bid for HPCL and BPCL was workable, Vajpayee responded, "Are you sure? Go and have another talk with the Sangh." No wonder the truce of October 24 looks so fragile, the prime minister so hemmed in.

The statements of Sangh organs speak for themselves. The October 13 editorial of Panchajanya, the RSS newspaper, said the Government "belongs to the dustbin of history". The SJM has opposed Nalco's disinvestment and attacked the N.K. Singh Committee report calling for a more liberal regime to attract foreign investment. When Advani tried to persuade the RSS to drop its demand for trifurcating Jammu and Kashmir, he was spurned outright.

INTERNAL EQUATIONS
		MURLI MANOHAR JOSHI The minister for human resource development is close to the RSS, but has reservations about attacks on Vajpayee. Feels they strengthen Advani.				SAHIB SINGH VERMA The labour minister sports a RSS pedigree, but has avoided taking a firm stand on reforms.
		ANANTH KUMAR The minister for urban development has said disinvestment needs to be reconsidered. Lobbies hard with RSS brass but is at odds with the Sangh's unit in his constituency.				PRAMOD MAHAJAN The IT and parliamentary affairs minister is instinctively a liberaliser and has had reservations about RSS interventions in the political arena.
		SHANTA KUMAR A quintessential RSS man, the food minister has not been able to adhere to his ministry's reform targets. He will prefer to keep a low profile.				JANA KRISHNAMURTHY Muscled his way into the Cabinet, the law minister does not like either Vajpayee or Advani. Will go along with the RSS line.
		UMA BHARATI The coal and mines minister has opposed Nalco disinvestment with missionary zeal. Will back the RSS position on all issues unhesitatingly.				RAM NAIK The petroleum minister has sought to lever the influence of the RSS in his bid to stall oil sector privatisation. His objectives are in sync with those of the RSS.
		SUSHMA SWARAJ The information and broadcasting minister has tried to be close to the RSS. Will keep a safe distance.				A.B. VAJPAYEE The prime minister is deeply unhappy over the RSS attacks which have been tinged with personal animus. He is keen to signal that his policies are on track.
		L.K. ADVANI The deputy prime minister has always been close to the RSS. Has also acted as a bridge with the Sangh. But he finds the RSS interventions ill-informed and does not see a political role for the organisation.				YASHWANT SINHA The external affairs minister was given a hard time by the RSS when he was the finance minister. Strong advocate of reforms. Though he is not an RSS man, he will stay out of the firing line.
		JASWANT SINGH The finance minister has never identified with the RSS. With reforms being a key component of his brief, he will favour the curtailing of the RSS role.				SHATRUGHAN SINHA The health minister is not an RSS man. Since he is close to both Vajpayee and Advani, he will sit motionlessly on the fence.
		JAGMOHAN The tourism minister's lifestyle, while simple, has never been reflective of RSS culture. A firm administrator, he does not share the RSS' viewpoint.				ARUN SHOURI Though the disinvestment minister has been strongly pro-RSS, he has fundamental differences with the organisation on economic policies.
		SHAHNAWAZ HUSSAIN The civil aviation minister has opposed disinvestment in his ministry. While keen to keep his turf, he will lie low in case of hostilities.

The last time the Parivar caused a major headache for the BJP, the NDA adopted a resolution on February 2, 1999. "Since the BJP is the core of our alliance," it read, "it shall make every effort to ensure that the prestige and cohesiveness of the coalition are not diluted by organisations belonging to its ideological fraternity." With the winter session of Parliament approaching, the Government has reason to worry.

Politics is rarely easy to understand. The divorce of the BJP and the RSS is often confusing and sometimes contradictory. In Gujarat, the only state where the VHP has a mass base and which sees elections in December, the Sangh is a united parivar. Yet, facilitating Chief Minister Narendra Modi's re-election may be used by votaries of hardline Hindutva to challenge Vajpayee afresh.

Also significant is the RSS' Jammu experiment. In the recent election in a region that is the "Hindu heartland" of India's most troubled state, the RSS walked out on the BJP and floated the Jammu State Morcha (JSM). Coincidentally, in 1983, the RSS had backed Indira Gandhi's "Hindu line" in Jammu. This was a precursor to the Sangh's support to Rajiv Gandhi in the 1984 general elections. The BJP was reduced to two seats in the Lok Sabha.

PARIVAR AT WAR
	The Sangh clan appears increasingly fractious with room for dialogue and
	consensus shrinking
			VHP The Temple Chant ASHOK SINGHAL President						RSS Saffron Remix K.S. SUDARSHAN RSS Chief
	Wants construction of Ram temple to begin at once. Feels that legal blocks are an excuse. BJP'S REPLY: While the Supreme Court directive can't be flouted, the Government will approach the court afresh. Feels VHP is responsible for its own plight.   Feels response to terrorism is inadequate. Says it is not bound to support the BJP. REBUTTAL: India has gained the upper hand, world recognises Pakistan's mischief. Sabre-rattling and loud rhetoric are counter-productive.   Wants Vajpayee's Principal Secretary Brajesh Mishra sacked and PMO disbanded. COUNTER: It is the prime minister's prerogative to appoint his officials. The criticism of the PMO is misplaced as it has had very little to do in the Ayodhya tangle.						Feels the BJP is straying from Hindutva agenda while catering to NDA compulsions. BJP'S REPLY: The party is wedded to the NDA agenda and will avoid disrupting the coalition. But issues such as infiltration can be raised.  Feels that economic reforms are not suited for India. Wants to adopt a swadeshi model. REBUTTAL: Reforms are irreversible, but the Government would like to stress developmental programmes such as road construction and housing.  Wants the BJP to meet and listen to Sangh organisations more frequently. BJP'S REPLY: This is always possible, but dialogue should not be one-sided. There has to be a genuine give and take. Will not succumb to Parivar armtwisting on policy matters.
			SJM Stalling Disinvestment MURLIDHAR RAO Joint Convener						BMS Labour Pains HASMUKHBHAI DAVE General Secretary
	Wants a rethink on disinvestment. Argues against sale of profit-making PSUs. BJP'S REPLY: Most of the PSUs sold have been loss-making. The disinvestment programme can be improved but not abandoned.   Has opposed opening of new sectors to FDI, conjures scare scenarios of MNC takeovers. COUNTER: FDI is a key component of the 10th Five Year Plan. While committed to reforms, the question of FDI will be settled on a case-by-case basis.   Does not agree with the Government's formulations for downsizing. BJP'S REPLY: A smaller government with less red tape is desirable. Vacancies in government jobs will not be filled to the maximum extent. There will be pruning at the top as well.						Does not support liberalisation of hire-and-fire laws. Does not want disinvestment either. BJP'S REPLY: Without labour reforms, India will not improve as an investment destination. Safety net for workers can be discussed.   Is one with other trade unions in demanding employer-government-employee talks. RESPONSE: The proposal can be considered. The Government is ready for more frequent interactions. Argues reforms will not shrink jobs.  Wants a trade union representative on the PM's economic advisory council. GOVERNMENT'S REPLY: No commitment is possible. But there are other fora for labour. The ILC can also meet more often. The Labour Commission's report must be discussed.

This time the sole JSM MLA elected to the Assembly in Srinagar has jumped ship and aligned with the Congress. As for the rest of the RSS, it may not back the Congress in the next general elections but wouldn't mind if the BJP got a hiding.

At the root of the RSS-BJP crisis is not merely ideological divide but also a personality clash. Sangh old-timers feel that the RSS leadership has become increasingly inward-looking and ostrich-like. Previous RSS chiefs like Balasaheb Deoras displayed a more deft understanding of realpolitik. In the 1970s, Deoras urged the Jan Sangh to join Jayaprakash Narayan's movement against Indira Gandhi.

SANGH OARSMEN
	The RSS team has charted a new and controversial course by dabbling
	in politics
			H.V. SESHADRI Joint General Secretary						MOHAN BHAGWAT General Secretary
	The 76-year-old Sangh veteran has held the key organisational post of RSS general secretary thrice on the trot. Widely respected in the BJP as well, this former lecturer can play neutral umpire.						A graduate from Nagpur, he shuns public exposure. Concentrates on keeping tabs on the RSS' vast network of shakhas. The 53-year-old is not known to have any special interest in political matters.
			MADANDAS DEVI Joint General Secretary						M.G. VAIDYA Spokesman
	Was associated with the ABVP and the SJM in the past. His relative lack of seniority-he is 60-makes it difficult for him to manage the RSS gerontocracy. Is the link between BJP and RSS.						In his 70s, he has a penchant for stirring up controversy. Many in the BJP feel that the RSS does not need a public face. He has strongly supported the demand for the trifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir.

Before Sudarshan took over in March 2000, Professor Rajendra Singh, better known as "Rajju bhaiyya", kept a low profile, though he was a "hands on" RSS chief. As a Sangh veteran points out, "He kept an eye on political appointments, but did so unobtrusively." In case of Sudarshan, the intervention is overt and lacks finesse. On becoming sarsanghchalak, he immediately demanded Vajpayee "bring in economic advisers who believe in the swadeshi concept". Combined with his claim that the Babri Masjid was brought down by a Pakistan-engineered bomb blast, it only made the RSS chief look silly.

Insecurity has also set in among the old guard. Since 1995, the number of RSS shakhas has remained static at 43,000. One of the reasons, say RSS sources, is the sharper focus on allied bodies. "There is a constant demand for swayamsevaks from the SJM and BMS. The focus has shifted from the RSS' own growth," an RSS elder concedes. The VHP has emerged as an assertive, even extremist, element. Today, if the RSS has 25-30 lakh odd members, the VHP has 25 lakh and the BMS 65 lakh. There has been a clear power shift.

GOOD OLD DAYS: Sangh old-timer Vajpayee (left) must be missing the patriarchal presence of previous RSS chiefs like Golwalker

Where does this leave the BJP? In the late 1980s and early 1990s, saffron ideologues like Advani and K.N. Govindacharya fashioned the idea of the Parivar as a harmoniser of divergent, though not always conflicting, interests. Now, Sudarshan has junked it all (see interview). Pravin Togadia, VHP international general secretary, agrees: "We have stopped using the word Parivar. It is imposed by others. We are autonomous bodies with our own agenda. The BJP had no monopoly on our support."

A section of the RSS feels Vajpayee is susceptible to pressure. If it is applied in a sustained manner, he will crack. "It is like the VHP slogan for the Babri Masjid demolition, 'ek dhakka aur do (one more push)'," says a BJP office-bearer. Recently, when a senior BJP leader told Vajpayee of the party's denouncement of VHP and SJM criticism, he said, "Yeh statementbazi se kya hoga, kuch karna padega (Mere statements will not do, something will have to be done)." If Vajpayee wants to complete his term and with credit, he will have to do much of the doing himself. If, on the other hand, he can't stand the heat, he will find the RSS only too happy to open the kitchen door.
-with Ashok Malik

-with Nidhi Taparia Rathi