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TODAY
INDIA
TODAY HINDI
CURRENT
ISSUE DECEMBER 23, 2002
STATES: KARNATAKA
Post Mortem
Tamil Nadu
and Karnataka signal an end to their cold war which impeded the capture
of the elusive outlaw. But it comes a little too late.
by
Stephen David and Arun ram
December
8. A few hours after Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa got the
news of former Karnataka minister Hanur Nagappa's murder, she received
a call she had been anticipating. It was from her Karnataka counterpart
S.M. Krishna asking her to renew the joint operations of the Special Task
Force to pin down forest brigand Veerappan who had kidnapped Nagappa.
Jayalalithaa immediately ordered "an effective and conclusive joint
operation." Sadly, the synergy-which should have gone into saving
Nagappa but eluded the two state governments for 106 days of the kidnap
crisis-was facilitated only after the recovery of his decomposed body.
HUNTER AND
THE HUNTED
After the recovery of Nagappa's body (right)
the joint STF has begun its search for Veerappan
VEERAPPAN'S
122ND VICTIM?
Hanur Nagappa, a minister in the J.H. Patel government, was
kidnapped by Veerappan from his farmhouse at Kamagere in Kollegal
near Mysore on August 26. The decomposed body of the 67-year-old
was found with a bullet injury in Chengadi forests near Kamagere
on December 8, 106 days after the abduction.
Who killed the 67-year-old businessman-turned-politician?
"The Centre's apathy as well as the inefficiency of the Tamil Nadu
and Karnataka police whose job was to hunt down Veerappan and rescue Nagappa,"
says a close friend of Nagappa's family. Veerappan struck even as a 2,000
personnel-strong STF-set up in 1990 to catch him-claimed it had been scouring
his habitat, an 18,000 sq km area covering five districts in Karnataka
and four in Tamil Nadu (see map).
Two years ago, Veerappan had cocked a snook at
the STF by kidnapping Kannada filmstar Rajkumar and holding him in custody
for 108 days. Former Karnataka police chief C. Dinakar alleges in a controversial
book that Rajkumar was released only after Krishna paid Rs 20 crore to
Veerappan. After Nagappa's kidnapping on August 25, questions arose on
why the former minister was targeted. While one theory had it that Veerappan
spirited him away to bargain for the release of some of his sympathisers
in jail, another one doing the rounds was that Veerappan wanted to settle
scores with Nagappa for snipping away at his smuggling operations when
he was a minister in J.H. Patel's government.
For more than a decade and half, Veerappan's
operations have been in a hilly, forested terrain. But he knows every
path and is a meticulous planner. Police believe that the Veerappan gang
could have camped in Kamagere near Mysore for more than three weeks to
do its home work before abducting Nagappa while the STF, on which the
Government has spent more than Rs 60 crore since 1990, just sat by. Well-placed
police sources said the gang even entered Nagappa's residence compound
and felled two sandal trees to gauge the reaction. There was no response
either from the security men or the Nagappa household. And when Nagappa
was held to ransom, Veerappan forced both the state governments on the
backfoot.
JAYALALITHAA-KRISHNA FACE-OFF
The Cauvery crisis soured relations between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka
and joint STF operations suffered.
Karnataka decided
to negotiate with Veerappan but Tamil Nadu refused to call off operations.
Jayalalithaa did not approve of Mani as emissary to negotiate with
Veerappan.
On September 6, the Centre had got into the act.
A special Indian Air Force IL-76 with 140 National Security Guards (NSG)
commandos left Delhi for Bangalore. Equipped with hi-tech MP-5 sub-machine
guns, night-vision devices and other gadgets, the Black Cat commandos
headed for Kollegal. The team had weapons like the Uzi, Hekler and Koch
and 9-mm pistols of the Sag Sauer P-226 variety. All this to combat Veerappan's
rifles and magazines seized from the Karnataka police, country-made pipe
grenades and a sizeable quantity of explosives scrounged from granite
quarries. It was to be a secret and clinical operation. In the end it
turned out to be neither. All it took was a week for the crack team to
realise they were up against the impossible. The team packed its bags
and left.
The NSG fiasco was only to be expected. Says
Major-General S. Vombatkere (retd): "Outfits like the NSG which are
roped in for a specific operation need to be given time to familiarise
themselves with the area. Their operation can work only if good intelligence
is provided by the local personnel who are familiar with the terrain."
The key lies with the STF.
The STF, however, swings into action only when
Veerappan strikes. Otherwise its men are back in their barracks by nightfall
which is when the outlaw begins his prowl. The STF officials claim their
men move in the jungles for days at a stretch for long combing operations.
But if that were so, the STF camp at Gundal, a short distance from where
Nagappa was kidnapped, should have got wind of the brigand's daring act.
Or they could have at least established a reasonably good "intelligence
network" with the help of the locals to ferret out details of the
bandit's movement. They could do neither. The local police knew about
the abduction within five minutes, but weaned on bureaucratic red tape,
they did not act and waited for orders from higher up. Meanwhile with
Nagappa as the hostage, Veerappan and his gang trekked for around 6 km
and hijacked a bus to reach the Satyamangalam forests.
BLOODY
PATH
Veerappan
and his gang are considered responsible for the murder of 121 people.
Used guerrilla
strategy and went for selective killing of police and forest officials.
Poached over
2,000 elephants and smuggled sandalwood worth Rs 400 crore in 30-odd
years.
256 villages on Tamil Nadu-Karnataka border are his area of operation.
In such an unfriendly situation, Nagappa really
had no chance. The sloppiness of the police was compounded by the one-upmanship
by Karnataka and Tamil Nadu governments. The STF chief of one state blamed
the other, saying Veerappan was operating in the latter's territory. To
complicate matters, the two chief ministers had barely been on talking
terms after the Cauvery crisis broke out in July. Krishna did speak to
Jayalalithaa when Nagappa was abducted; they spoke again after his body
was found. And in between the Centre did nothing to take charge and shake
up the lethargic STF.
The lack of understanding and cooperation between
Tamil Nadu and Karnataka has been obvious for a long time. Unlike during
the Rajkumar case, when the states agreed to send emissaries into the
forest, this time Tamil Nadu stuck unrelentingly to an aggressive stand.
On August 28, Jayalalithaa ordered, "We want Veerappan dead or alive."
On August 30, Karnataka decided to negotiate
with Veerappan but Tamil Nadu refused to budge from its belligerent posture.
The wedge being driven deep between the state governments must have made
Veerappan happy. And it is only natural for Veerappan to attribute Nagappa's
death to an "encounter" with the Tamil Nadu STF for it was the
one which continued with the combing operations even after Karnataka suspended
operations on September 12.
When Veerappan wanted incarcerated Tamil activist
Kolathur Mani as the emissary, Karnataka had no option but to let Mani
out on bail. When all but one of the courts granted bail to Mani, the
prospects of a negotiated settlement looked bright. Jayalalithaa then
put a spanner in the works by saying that Mani would be arrested if he
stepped into Tamil Nadu territory. As the impasse continued the crisis
came to a bloody end.
But the blame game did not end. Jayalalithaa's
immediate reaction to the Nagappa murder was, "It was at the instance
of the Government of Karnataka that the joint operations of the STF was
discontinued. After that, Tamil Nadu had no role to play on the Karnataka
side of the forests since Veerappan continues to be located on the Karnataka
territory." In effect, she was saying that the Tamil Nadu STF has
nothing to do with the alleged encounter in which Nagappa was killed.
But on December 11, a search party of the Karnataka STF found 27 spent
bullets of an AK-47 rifle (which Veerappan is not believed to possess)
about 300 to 500 yards from where Nagappa's body was found. Was there
an encounter then? The post-mortem said Nagappa died of a single bullet
injury. But with the authorities claiming that the bullet could not be
recovered, the primary question remains unanswered: who killed Nagappa?
Now both the chief ministers vow to go after
Veerappan with all their might but the STF does not seem to have learnt
from its mistakes. There were allegations that they did not storm the
forests immediately after the release of Rajkumar. This time too it was
no different. Even 24 hours after the confirmation of Nagappa's murder,
the joint operations had not begun. The Tamil Nadu STF said they were
waiting for its Karnataka counterpart to join them. The Centre had promised
"all the help" but nothing was either sought nor given in the
crucial hours.
Things began to move last week as STF's Satyamangalam
camp showed signs of cooperation from the state governments-Security Adviser
to Karnataka L. Srinivasulu, STF Joint Commandant W.I. Dawaram and Tamil
Nadu STF chief R. Nataraj started discussing logistics and planning. A
little too late perhaps. Given Veerappan's knowledge of the terrain, the
delay must have given him enough time to shift base to somewhere the STF
can only wildly guess at.