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As the BJP gets revived in Madhya
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hand in the coming assembly polls. India Today's Neeraj Mishra anayses
the party's shaky position in the two states. ROUGH
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TODAY HINDI
CURRENT
ISSUE FEBRUARY 17, 2003
STATES: CHHATTISGARH
For the Common Cause
Corruption
charges against the royals are incidental in the battle to end feudal control
over Raipur's premier college
By Neeraj Mishra in Raipur
The
credo of one of the oldest public schools in India is impressive: "A
raja is honoured in his own country, a learned man throughout the world."
But the former royals, who retain control over the 120-year-old Rajkumar
College (RKC) in Raipur, now stand accused of ruining its finances and
selling property leased from the state. The man rallying against them
is none other than commoner Ajit Jogi, who at the behest of hundreds of
former students, is heading a battle to rid the college of its feudal
lords. Politics, of course, is central to the contention. The royals control
at least 15 of the 90 assembly and four of the 11 Lok Sabha seats in Chhattisgarh.
And the sprawling, fully equipped 127-acre campus forms the axis of their
power.
PRINCE AND PLEBEIAN: Jogi (left)
has joined the campaign to oust Surendra Bahadur
Surendra Bahadur Singh of Sakti, an erstwhile
princely state, heads the managing committee which runs the college founded
by Sir Andrew Fraser, then chief commissioner of the Central Provinces,
in 1882. Among its illustrious principals were T.L.H. Smith Pearse and
Reverend G.D. Oswell in the years when the British took upon themselves
the task to educate the chiefs and zamindars of the Eastern Provinces.
Forty feudal families from Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Bengal and Orissa donated
money to establish the college which opened its doors to commoners only
in 1939. But even though the President of India is the patron-in-chief
of the Rajkumar College Society (RCS), the commissioner of Raipur is the
government's nominee and members of the Old Boys' Association can be elected
to the 70-member General Council, the 40 donor families continue to dominate
the administration of the college as life members of the council. "The
common denominator for the royals is the institution funded by their forefathers,"
says S.C. Jain, an RKC alumnus. "They have zealously protected it,
even cutting across party lines.'' Union minister Dilip Singh Judeo of
the Jashpur royal family, for instance, has donated more than Rs 25 lakh
to the college.
BLAME GAME
Forty donor families from erstwhile princely states control the
administration of the college as life members.
Surendra Bahadur Singh, head of the college's managing committee,
has been accused of selling two acres of prime land in the campus
valued at Rs 2 crore.
He allegedly sold another seven acres of land to start an engineering
college.
The management is also accused of fudging school
accounts and destroying records.
Interestingly, the property on which the imposing
red brick college building was constructed was leased for a 100 years
in 1894 by the British government to the RCS, which was later registered
under the Firms and Societies Act of Madhya Pradesh. The lease was extended
for another 30 years by the Digvijay Singh government (before Chhattisgarh
was carved out of Madhya Pradesh) in which Surendra Bahadur was a minister.
He is not a legislator anymore but he heads a formidable lobby of blue-blooded
Congress MLAs and college alumni. They were a powerful force even in undivided
Madhya Pradesh. Former royals like Arjun Singh, Digvijay, Govindnarayan
Singh and Madhavrao Scindia have dictated politics through the decades.
But in sheer numbers Chhattisgarh royals had no
match. They wield considerable clout in all but two of the 16 districts
in the state. All are RKC alumni and one of them, Naresh Chandra Singh
Deo of Sarangarh, even went on to become the chief minister of Madhya
Pradesh. After the birth of Chhattisgarh in 2000, they became even more
dominant. Currently, the Korea, Khairagarh, Raigarh, Rajnandgaon and Kawardha
families have representatives in the Assembly.
BONE OF CONTENTION: Raipur's premier institution
Aware of the hegemony of the royals in the state,
both the Congress and the BJP have always looked at them for leadership.
When former chief minister Arjun Singh contested the assembly polls from
Kharsiya, near Jashpur, against Judeo, it was supposed to be a cakewalk.
But the closely fought election-89 per cent of the votes were cast-established
the then struggling BJP in the Chhattisgarh region of Madhya Pradesh,
then a Congress stronghold. The BJP has now anointed former Union minister
Raman Singh, who belongs to a former zamindari family, to spearhead the
first election to the Chhattisgarh Assembly expected later this year.
Having grown up in the state, Jogi is neither ignorant of history nor
disdainful of feudal influence.
After Raipur was chosen the state capital, the
magnificent Stow Hall in the college became the obvious place to hold
the first session of the Assembly. Another former royal Mahendra Bahadur
Singh, an MLA, presided over the session as the Protem Speaker. With half-a-dozen
alumni alongside him on the treasury benches, Jogi must have felt uncomfortable
but he kept his cool. His opportunity to intervene, however, came soon
enough. Surendra Bahadur allegedly sold two acres of land-valued at Rs
2 crore-of the campus which faces the Grand Trunk Road, the lifeline of
Raipur. "The land was sub-leased with the intention of protecting
it from encroachers who were breaking into the boundary wall," says
Principal J.B. Singh. "It is also meant to augment the school's resources
through rent.''
The Jogi Government also stopped the construction
of a shopping complex on the campus. But Surendra Bahadur complicated
matters by allegedly selling another seven acres of land to start an engineering
college. He was apparently under the impression that since he had backed
Jogi's candidature for chief ministership, the chief minister would not
put hurdles in his path.
There is nothing wrong if Jogi wants to break
the stranglehold of feudal families in the state," says Shekhar Sharma,
a former member of the General Council of the RCS who is now heading the
campaign against Surendra Bahadur. "The college's constitution says
we should preserve the privileges of the former royals. Can such a thing
be tolerated in a democratic society?'' He also claims that Jogi is backing
him because he wants to save the only public school in the state from
being plundered by those responsible for its upkeep. That could be the
reason why state Finance Minister Ramchandra Singh Deo is also backing
the Sharma faction. "The school finances are being wasted on trivialities
and both as finance minister and RKC alumnus I am pained,'' he says. So
he has put his signature along with 400-odd old boys who want the school
to be handed over to a receiver.
"I am only doing what ex-RKCians want. If
Surendra Bahadur is not performing and if the allegations of corruption
and burning of school accounts are true then we will have to verify it
through a receiver,'' says Jogi. Some old boys have, however, expressed
fear that the political struggle to decimate the feudals might be deleterious
to the exclusive educational institution that has given the country several
big names in various professional fields. Others, like Deo, feel that
once the institution is handed over to a body of alumni and some efficient
former royals, things might start to function smoothly. Sir Andrew would
certainly have wanted the magnificent college to survive another century.