As
land hassles stem the flow of NRI investment in Punjab, the Government
takes steps to ease the legal woes of expatriates.
WEB
ONLY FEATURES
The
rampant misuse of the Dalit Act in Uttar Pradesh has a larger malaise behind
it, writes India Today's Subhash Mishra UNDUE
ADVANTAGE
INDIA
TODAY CONCLAVE
The
Conclave concludes on a high note. Al Gore, Stanley Fischer and other world
leaders listen and are heard. Catch up on the highlights. Take
me to Conclave now
CARE
TODAY
INDIA
TODAY HINDI
CURRENT
ISSUE APRIL 14, 2003
COVER STORY: THE PEOPLE THE IRAQ WAR
Trapped
As the final assault on
Baghdad begins, Iraq's 24 million people find themselves caught in a no-win
situation. Scared of Saddam, wary of Bush, they face high rates of casualty
and depths of despair.
By
Raj Chengappa in southern Iraq
At
first sight, Umm Qasr could be one of the myriad dilapidated towns that
dot coastal India. Hardly the major port that till recently handled two-thirds
of Iraq's marine exports. Poverty stares out from most of the single-storey
mud and brick houses that line the main road. It is in stark contrast
to the spiralling high rises and sweeping avenues of Kuwait City literally
"bang" next door. Children in worn-out clothes chase the convoys
of the US-led coalition forces begging for bottles of water. Unshaven
men in sneakers and ill-fitting jackets plead for cigarettes.
SOFT TARGETS: Iraqis fleeing from Basra arrive
at a checkpost manned by coalition soldiers outside the city
A fortnight after Operation Iraqi Freedom was launched, even as a decisive
assault ons Baghdad was under way, this strategic sliver of land that
juts out into the Persian Gulf remains the only town that the coalition
forces could claim as a "liberated zone". A recognition of that
reality is a signboard on the road that states: "Welcome to the Shatal
Al Arab Hotel with its new gavernement (sic)." The Iraqis appear
to be as proficient as Indian dhabas in spelling English words.
For the coalition forces, Umm Qasr is a test case on whether they could
win over the "minds and the hearts" of Iraqis. It is a major
sub-plot in the master plan of ridding Iraq of Saddam Hussein, his regime
and their weapons of mass destruction with the least amount of civilian
casualties and damage to infrastructure. The hope is to show the people
that the forces mean no harm to them and to create a wave of popular dissent
against Saddam all across Iraq making their mission of "liberating"
the country less bloody.
That strategy becomes vital as coalition troops launch their final offensive
on Baghdad, a city of five million. The forces' rapid advance to the capital
in the past few days has come as a major surprise to military experts
who opined that there was need for a strategic pause to build up sufficient
troop strength. By taking Saddam International Airport early Friday morning,
the coalition was signalling to the people of Iraq and the world that
it was prepared to lay siege on the capital.
CLOSING IN: A fuel tank on fire at Baghdad airport
Unless there is a dramatic collapse in the regime, always possible in
such situations, the stage is set for a bloody confrontation between coalition
forces and Saddam's elite Republican Guards. It could result in an alarming
rise in casualties among civilians who find themselves sandwiched in the
war zones. That could cause worldwide horror and rob the coalition forces
of a moral victory that it desperately needs.
Saddam knows that. The Iraqi dictator knows too that in the face of
such overwhelming technological superiority, his best bet is to withdraw
his forces into cities and towns and use civilians as human flak jackets
to wage his counter offensive. To reach Baghdad so rapidly, coalition
forces bypassed major cities and towns, including Basra, and only fought
battles that were needed to clear their path towards reaching the capital
(see graphic). That has left coalition forces dangerously short of troops
to take on any major counter that Saddam may launch from these cities.
So the strategy now is to win the confidence of the people in other
urban centres of Iraq so that they rise in revolt against Saddam and his
writ is confined to Baghdad. As Colonel Chris Vernon, the British Army
spokesman, says, "We are slowly but inexorably driving a wedge between
the Iraqi people and their oppressors. The idea is to ensure that the
control of the regime in major towns of Iraq lessens day by day."
Last week, as the coalition forces tried to restore a modicum of normality
in Umm Qasr by getting the dock workers to report for work, it was evident
just how difficult that task is proving to be. They had set up an informal
town council which would send at least 1,000 of the 30,000 workers back
to the docks. On the first day, only 50-odd turned up.
Most of them were afraid to be identified or photographed and refused
to speak out. Some of them even shouted the slogan "Bel rooh, bel
damm, nefdeek ya Saddam (With our soul, with our blood, we sacrifice ourselves
for you Saddam)" because they feared that some of the dictator's
spies were still hovering around. After much persuasion, a bearded Wahid
explained: "Saddam's power is like magic and would be very difficult
to destroy. The only way we know nothing will happen to us is when Saddam's
dead body is paraded on the streets of Baghdad."
A US Marine confronts Enemy No. 1 at Nasiriyah
Umm Qasr should have been a fit case for a people's revolt. Despite Iraq
having the second largest oil reserves in the world, next only to Saudi
Arabia, Saddam had failed to bring them the prosperity that is so evident
in neighbouring Gulf countries. Khalid, 35, has tears in his eyes as he
recounts how three of his children died because there were no proper medical
facilities in the town. The average salary for dock workers is a paltry
$30 (Rs 1,440) a month and Khalid says, "I have waited for five years
to buy a TV and I still can't afford to buy it."
The port town suffers from chronic water shortage that has worsened since
the coalition forces took over. It prompted Kuwait to extend a 100-km-long
pipeline from its reservoirs to bring water to the town and also to the
city of Basra 20 km away. As the governor of Kuwait, Dr Sheikh Ebraheem
Duaij Al-Ebrahim Al-Sabah, says, "Isn't it ironic that Iraq, which
has two major rivers, is getting water from a thirsty country that draws
water from the sea? It is an example of just how Saddam has brought his
country to ruin."
It is, however, the continuing fear of Saddam and his henchmen that
stops people living in the cities in southern Iraq from revolting. Sabah,
a 20-year-old from neighbouring Basra city, speaks angrily of how most
of them were conscripted into the army without their consent. "If
we refused, Saddam's men would take it out on our families. They even
torched my house once." Everyone fears the early morning knock on
the door which is when the regime would strike at dissenters. Ali, who
fled Basra after it was bombed by coalition forces, says, "You must
understand that Saddam and his regime control everything. We live on their
patronage. We are not certain that the coalition forces would stay on.
If they back off, as they did in 1991, Saddam's men will burn us."
The Shias, who form 60 per cent of Iraq's 24 million population and
live mostly in southern Iraq, have for long resented being ruled by the
Sunni minority, especially the Tikrit tribe that Saddam belongs to. Everyone
still remembers how immediately after the first Gulf War in 1991, coalition
forces refused to come to their aid when they revolted against Saddam.
Their rebellion was brutally crushed by the regime. Says Ali: "This
time we fear that Saddam would annihilate our entire race if we side with
the coalition. That's why we are not coming out against him and are waiting
for him to fall."
SOFT AND HARD: British troops persuading dock
workers to return in Umm Qasr; and (below) a commando patrols one
of its streets
That fear has undone what was to be termed as the "inside-out"
strategy of the coalition forces. While Baghdad was to be brought to heel
with the "shock and awe" bombings, the rest of Iraq's major
towns, witnessing the daily fireworks in the capital, were expected to
welcome the coalition forces as liberators. The forces had hoped that
if they could win the people in the other cities, Saddam's regime in Baghdad
would implode. That hasn't happened. No major urban centre, whether Basra,
the country's second largest city, or Nasiriyah, Samawah, Najaf and Karbala,
showed any signs of capitulating or greeting the coalition forces with
garlands. Instead the forces had to engage in pitched battles with the
Iraqi Army or Saddam's fidayeen squads. A senior US military officer says,
"It is now the other way round. The Iraqi people are telling us,
'First get Saddam then we will believe you'."
Maybe that was part of the reason why coalition forces launched a ferocious
assault on Baghdad in the past few days. Even as they pound Republican
Guard positions in the capital, coalition forces are going to extraordinary
lengths to woo people in other major urban centres including Basra. Saddam
may not be living up to the slogan coined by his supporters: "Saddam
esmik hazz Amreeca (Saddam, your name sends fear to America)." But
the Iraqi dictator's strategy has so far been to withdraw his troops and
their armour into major urban centres and engage coalition forces in guerrilla
battles. To prevent coalition aircraft from sending precision missiles,
Iraqi forces hide their armour behind mosques, school buildings and hospitals.
Saddam has also employed his fidayeen groups dressed in civilian garb
to carry out devastating suicide attacks against coalition forces. It
has made the forces extremely nervous while dealing with civilians and
winning their confidence. Says a US battalion commander: "Now every
civilian is looked upon as a potential combatant."
Just how jittery the coalition forces have become was evident last week
when a US personnel at a checkpost outside the holy city of Najah fired
at a car carrying civilians, killing seven of them. As the Iraqi people
find themselves trapped between Saddam's henchmen and the Allied forces,
civilian casualties are mounting. Since the war began, Iraq says 1,250
civilians have died and 5,000 injured. Group Captain Jon Fynes, the Royal
Air Force, spokesperson, says that their pilots are instructed to be extra
careful when they bomb cities. Last week, an RAF pilot launched a missile
at Basra to strike at some tanks. But as he flew past he noticed that
there was a school building next to them so he immediately diverted the
missile to explode harmlessly in the desert. Says Fynes: "We understand
that we don't free Iraqis by massacring them or flattening their cities.
Yet we have to build their confidence that we can take on Saddam's regime
at will. It is a very difficult balancing act."
THE OTHER BATTLE: Coalition troops struggle
to plug an oil well fire set off by retreating Iraqi troops at the
Rumaila oil fields
The British forces in southern Iraq have adopted some unconventional
methods to achieve this in Basra. Part of this is a strategy called Black
Watch, which essentially demonstrates to the people that they could move
into the city with impunity and take on resistance forces at will. Instead
of only armour, they have targeted the ruling Baa'th party by decimating
its headquarters and making lightning strikes to capture their leaders
and then withdrawing. To demonstrate that the forces could get into the
city whenever it wanted, a column of tanks rolled into the heart of Basra
last week, deliberately rammed into two giant billboards that had Saddam's
portrait painted on them and withdrew. Daniel Prewitt, representative,
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent societies, observes,
"I have never seen the military so concerned about people's welfare.
It has almost become a mantra."
Part of the coalition forces strategy is to keep Iraq's major infrastructure
largely intact. Among the first tasks of the US marines was to capture
the Rumaila oil fields in southern Iraq before Saddam's men torched the
1,000 odd wells. As these oil fields account for two-thirds of the country's
oil production it would have been an economic catastrophe if they had
succeeded. The Iraqi forces managed to set nine of them on fire. In each
of these wells, 10,000 barrels of oil is being burned daily, costing $500,000
(Rs 2.4 crore). On one of the wells, the heat was so intense that it could
be felt as far as 200 m away.
Last week, the US Corp of Engineers moved in to fight the fires. Apart
from a US company, it hired the Kuwait Oil Corporation to put out a few
wells. The Corp of Engineers hope to restore Iraq's oil infrastructure
within two months. US Major Jorge Lizaralde says confidently, "There
is nothing Iraq can do which we can't control." Most of his comrades
are as cocky and they have good reason to be. Compared to Saddam's troops
they are well equipped and well fed. At lunch time near the Rumaila oil
fields, US marines guarding them were busy choosing what they would like
to eat. Their Meals Ready to Eat (MRE) packs offered a choice of mushroom
beef, chicken and rice, turkey breast, jambalaya (a mixture of several
meats) and for vegetarians cheese tortellino or pasta with tomato sauce.
They come with a special technology to heat the food without lighting
a fire. There is a variety of desserts and chocolates and to round up,
the mandatory chewing gum.
The coalition forces have also shown a remarkable degree of adaptability
in their plans. US General Tommy Franks, commander-in-chief of the coalition
forces, said the strategy was "agile and flexible". When everyone
thought Operation Iraqi Freedom would begin with thunder and lightning
over Baghdad, the forces launched a pre-emptive strike against Saddam.
Then, even as coalition forces bombed Baghdad, Franks surprised Saddam
by making coalition troops sprint towards the capital covering 500 km
in a week across the desert.
When the "inside-out" strategy didn't work at Basra, Franks
altered plans and decided that he wouldn't wait for major towns to fall.
Instead, coalition forces worked on the strategy of isolating Iraqi troops
in various cities like Karbala, Najaf, Nasiriyah and Basra before "pointing
the dagger" at the heart of Baghdad. It may have stretched coalition
supply lines and made them vulnerable to attacks from fidayeen. It has
also left his forces short of strength to launch a full-scale assault
on Baghdad. But the plan is to go for Saddam's jugular before he can adjust
his strategy to take the coalition forces in the capital.
Though the Iraqi forces have put up a surprising degree of resistance
in the battle for the towns, Saddam's response to some situations has
been puzzling. He was expected to order his troops to blow up bridges
leading to Baghdad but that hasn't happened. It could indicate a failure
in command and control. He has also allowed US troops to penetrate deep
into Baghdad without offering too much resistance. It could mean a complete
collapse of command. Or a sign that he is drawing coalition troops into
a trap before launching a major counter offensive that could involve a
chemical weapon attack. As in other cities, he would be using civilians
as a shield to hide his armour in Baghdad. When the final assault comes,
it may well turn out to be the bloodiest battle ever, something that could
see thousands of Iraqis and coalition troops perish.