It was a rather luxurious setting for a meeting of minds known for their simple tastes. Air-conditioned rooms, a swimming pool and a picturesque backdrop-perhaps soul-searching needed some physical comfort. But at the end of the day, it turned out to be just another talking shop organised by the BJP chief who has already established himself as an incorrigible conclave junkie.

HAPPY FAMILY: Naidu's (left) brainchild, the BJP conclave centred on Vajpayee

Last week, when Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his 26 colleagues converged on Rambhau Mhalgi Probhodhini, a 14-acre complex in Mumbai, to discuss BJP: Mission 2004, it was ambitiously called Chintan Baithak (brainstorming session). In retrospect, the three-day meeting assumed significance not for the high-profile participants-prime minister, deputy prime minister, eight senior cabinet ministers, three party vice-presidents, five general secretaries, three chief ministers and five party leaders-but for those who were left out.

Even as the leaders sat down to deliberate on the mid-course alteration in its roadmap on the political future, the top-of-the-mind question was not who would lead the next election, but whether the party would return to power at the Centre. "We are here to assess and evaluate our performance both as a party and Government, and draw an effective strategy for winning polls and providing political stability in the country," said M. Venkaiah Naidu.

After all, the baithak was Naidu's brainchild. Ever since he took over as party president in July 2002, he has organised more than a dozen similar meetings in various parts of the country. Of late though, his organisational dexterity had taken a beating after the leadership storm triggered by his now famous lauh purush-vikas purush remarks. Characteristically, Naidu and the party outlived the turmoil by reaffirming their faith in Vajpayee's supremacy. "It is the BJP's good fortune that we have a great leader in Atalji whose popularity is growing even after five years in office," said Naidu.

There was little dispute on this account as speaker after speaker rhapsodised about Our Man of Salvation Vajpayee's virtues, his achievements during the five "glorious" years in power and his vision for 2004 and beyond. Vajpayee magnanimously returned the favour, heaping praise on L.K. Advani for being his "strength" in the Government and Naidu for his political activism. Even as the conclave feted Vajpayee for his stewardship, the irony was overwhelming: the party that built a huge electoral base on ideology is dependent on a single individual for retaining its identity and credibility. Vajpayee may be BJP's today and tomorrow but the question is who will be the leader for day after tomorrow and thereafter.

Apart from the customary hero-worship the debate centred on four main areas: devising an effective strategy for the coming Lok Sabha and assembly elections; a framework for a powerful election campaign; upgradation of organisational infrastructure in the states and at the Centre; and raising election funds in accordance with permissible norms.

According to a strategist, the party was keen to resolve differences with its allies in the NDA Government. A majority of speakers felt that the BJP should tie up only with the parties that have a proven track record of anti-Congressism and should avoid inveterate power bargainers. The consensus was that the party should stay with the Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab, the Biju Janata Dal in Orissa, smaller Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu and explore the possibility of roping in Christian outfits in Kerala. The party is justifiably worried about its poor performance in the south: of the 121 Lok Sabha MPs from the region, the BJP has only 16. Naidu may have boasted about winning 300 seats in 2004, but not if it does not add more parties to its fold.

Another issue that saw a consensus was that in its search for alliances, the party should not compromise on its core principles. Some leaders were critical about the flak that the party was receiving for the non-performance of its electoral partners or for their poor image. The solace, as always, was Vajpayee. Everyone concurred that the prime minister's carrot-and-stick policy with the allies was effective and ensured stability.

The problem area was the campaign strategy. Some state leaders wanted a freeze on disinvestment and more sops for the sections that have been traditionally hostile to the party, including job opportunities for the minorities, the Dalits and reservation for the economically backward among the upper castes. It is not entirely coincidental that Attorney-General Soli Sorabjee has said the reservations could be provided only through a constitutional amendment.

Despite the wide-ranging debates, the party failed to resolve the issue of Generation Next. While several participants chosen by Naidu were left wondering about their own suitability for the conclave, the exclusion of others was equally baffling. Why were nine BJP Central ministers left out? Why were three chief ministerial candidates-Uma Bharati (Madhya Pradesh), Madan Lal Khurana (Delhi) and Vasundhara Raje (Rajasthan)-not invited? And what was the justification for keeping the state leadership out? After all, Mission 2004 could not have been successful without the involvement of state office-bearers.

BJP'S MOST WANTED
The Mumbai conclave was an indication of who matters in the party as it prepares for the elections. THE TWIN TOWERS The couple may be the mind and the body of the BJP, but today, it is the mind that matters more. ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE Prime Minister LAL KRISHNA ADVANI Deputy Prime Minister
THE CROWD PULLERS The lady has charisma. Mahajan is a performer. And Modi is the new Hindu rage.
Sushma Swaraj Union Minister	Pramod Mahajan General Secretary	Narendra Modi Chief Minister, Gujarat

THE CAMPAIGNERS A strong line-up that provides regional, religious and intellectual variety.
Rajnath Singh Union Minister	Murli M. Joshi Union Minister	Yashwant Singh Union Minister	Shahnawaz Union Minister	Gopinath Munde Union Minister

THE COMMUNICATORS Suave and urbane, the media men bring the party to the drawing rooms.
Arun Jaitley Uniion Minister	V.K. Malhotra Chief Whip	Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi General Secretary
THE STRATEGIST The man is all gravitas and credibility.	THE MONEY FETCHER The effective fund-raiser is a big asset.	PARIVAR POWER The RSS man assures grassroots manpower.
Jaswant Singh Union Minister	Ram Das Agarwal Treasurer	Madan Dass Devi Joint Gen, Secretary, RSS

ORGANISERS More than apparatchiks they are dependable cadre guardians.
Venkaiah Naidu President	Bal Apte Vice President	P. Khandelwal Vice President	Sanjay Joshi General Secretary	Kalraj Mishra UP Leader

THE STATE CHAMPS The satraps are crucial for the BJP's fortunes in Karnataka,Bihar, Goa and Jharkhand.
Ananth Kumar Union Minister	Sushil Modi Bihar Leader
M. Parrikar CM, Goa	Arjun Munda CM, Jharkhand
FROM THE BACKYARD The two faces of the Dalits and Backwards have more than token value for the party.
Anita Arya General Secretary	Shivraj S Chauhan General Secretary

Even the choice of Central ministers defied reason: the only common ground between Union Commerce and Industry Minister Arun Jaitley and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj was their mutual hatred. Similarly, what would BJP spokesperson Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi and Textiles Minister Shahnawaz Hussain-both Muslim mascots-have contributed to the deliberations except their competitive backbiting? If the party was serious about rural issues and wanted to silence its critics on disinvestment, shouldn't Rural Development Minister Kashi Ram Rana and Disinvestment Minister Arun Shourie have been invited? Naidu and his suave spokespersons had no explanations. Even after three days of brainstorming over five-course meals, the party failed to coin a winning slogan. "Atal ka nam aur Atal ka kam (In the name of Atal/the work of Atal)" was the only one they thought would help take on Congress President Sonia Gandhi's Vikas aur Suraksha (development and security).

Never one to give up, Naidu had secret meetings with party managers to prepare a blueprint for victory. A trained RSS worker, he has been organising regular sessions of top and middle-level leaders with the sole purpose of mobilising them for party work. Criss-crossing the country in the past six months, he has used the innovative mini-conclaves to resolve intra-party disputes and revive the organisation. He has brought the Government closer to both the party and the RSS. Even in Mumbai, he ensured that RSS General Secretary Madan Dass Devi attended the 20-odd sessions.

And unlike in 1977, when the Morarji Desai government was pulled down on the issue of dual membership of the then Jan Sangh leaders, there has been no protest from BJP's powerful allies like TDP's N. Chandrababu Naidu or Samata Party's George Fernandes. The supremacy of the BJP over its allies was established with the active involvement of the RSS not only in internal assessment of the NDA Government but also in making amendments to the government policies. The RSS, as an aggressive Naidu put it, would continue to guide the party.

If there was one big thought at the conclave, it was this: the BJP has no life without the RSS and the future is still spelt A-t-a-l.