As
a champion of the developing world, the newly-appointed IMF chief
is set to spearhead a radical change.
WEB
ONLY FEATURES
A
year in prison under POTA charges, disheartened MDMK cadres and damaging
allegations—Vaiko is having his worst time ever, observes India Today's
Arun Ram. DISCERNABLE
DOWNSLIDE
INDIA
TODAY CONCLAVE
South Asia's most influential and mostly read newsweekly presents the second Conclave India Tomorrow 2003: Global Giant or Pygmy?
Take
me to Conclave now
CARE
TODAY
INDIA
TODAY HINDI
CURRENT
ISSUE JULY 21, 2003
BOOKS
The Extremists
Ideological bias mars this study
of totalitarian temptations in Indian politics
By Kanchan gupta
Indira
Gandhi's Emergency spawned a new genre of writing in India, that of instant
analysis and potted political history, a poor clone of the sort penned
by Bob Woodward and others of his ilk. The rush of books that flooded
pavement stalls after the Emergency titillated readers thirsting for details
of the black deeds, especially those of Sanjay Gandhi and his cronies.
But few books offered a full analysis of the Emergency years.
IN THE NAME OF DEMOCRACY: JP MOVEMENT AND THE EMERGENCY By Bipan Chandra
Penguin India
Price: Rs 350
Pages: 384
As for the events leading to the Emergency, including
the "save democracy" movement led by Jayaprakash Narayan, they
were the stuff legends were made of. It is another matter that many who
led the agitation, including a certain Laloo Prasad Yadav, inspire anything
but admiration.
In a sense, a proper analysis, cold and clinical,
was impossible during the heady period of political turmoil that marked
the 1970s, with protest and discontent colouring both journalistic and
academic attempts to analyse contemporary events. By putting a gap of
three decades between the events and the publication of his book In the
Name of Democracy: JP Movement and the Emergency, historian Bipan Chandra
has distanced himself from the emotional claptrap that marked the bulk
of writings on the Emergency era. Instead, he has attempted to paint a
big picture minus the tedious minutiae of what transpired behind the green,
shuttered doors in Delhi, trying to structure it within the matrix of
a study on possible fascist and authoritarian politics.
What has hampered Chandra's study is the near
absence of documents. Mrs Gandhi's papers and those pertaining to the
Emergency are yet to be made public. The JP movement was not a structured,
organised agitation guided by backroom boys preparing position papers
or political strategists who put pen to paper prior to practising their
strategy.
PUTSCH AND POWER: JP's call for total revolution
rattled Gandhi
Where Chandra has scored is in retracing JP's
movement which shaped a million-or more-minds at its peak. The Navnirman
Movement that flamed the imagination of students across a country wracked
by galloping prices, mounting corruption and cynical power politics, however,
merits a better study than Chandra's reliance on Ghanshyam Shah's supercilious
analysis, if one may use that word for want of a better one. For, the
Navnirman Movement challenged the status quo that had come to mark Indian
politics and the increasing cynicism that underscored Mrs Gandhi's policies
in the post-Bangladesh war phase.
It is a fact, as asserted by Chandra, that the
JP movement lacked organisational discipline and ideological cohesiveness;
no less important is the fact that while seeking to destabilise Mrs Gandhi's
regime, it did not offer a tenable or convincing alternative. There is
no gainsaying that the venerable socialist was woolly headed while theorising
concepts like "total revolution". Which socialist wasn't?
The real and imaginary crimes of the Emergency
shall remain forever indistinguishable. An astute politician, Mrs Gandhi
could never have thought of the Emergency as a permanent political measure.
She knew that sooner or later she would have to go back to the people
for a mandate. JP's clarion call for an all-out putsch rattled her. Nascent
democracies had fallen to populist and agitational politics; hers, too,
could go the same way. It was this fear, as well as her arrogance that
she alone could rule India, which forced the unfolding of the unedifying
spectacle of the then tenant of Rashtrapati Bhavan meekly signing the
Emergency papers and India's political process being brought to a sudden
halt. The midnight knock followed.
Yes, it could have turned out differently. Mrs
Gandhi might not have called for elections in 1977; Sanjay could have
emerged as India's very own Baby Doc. Authoritarianism could have supplanted
democracy. But that did not happen.
In positing the possible politics of fascism
and authoritarianism while discussing JP's movement to save democracy
and Mrs Gandhi's movement to save India from the former, Chandra perhaps
should have had greater faith in India's ingrained aversion to anything
that militates against freedom. As for saffron flags and khaki knickers,
little purpose is served by taking recourse to sophistry that seeks to
illegitimise the participation of the RSS or the BJP in India's political
process. If there was any ideological component or organisational skill
that made JP's movement worth imposing the Emergency and suspending civil
liberties, it was imparted by those for whom it is still fashionable-especially
among India's woolly headed and intelligentsia-to malign in order to prove
one's academic credentials. Bipan Chandra need not have trod that path;
his study of two watershed events that have shaped modern Indian politics
would have been no less the stronger for it.