As
a champion of the developing world, the newly-appointed IMF chief
is set to spearhead a radical change.
WEB
ONLY FEATURES
A
year in prison under POTA charges, disheartened MDMK cadres and damaging
allegations—Vaiko is having his worst time ever, observes India Today's
Arun Ram. DISCERNABLE
DOWNSLIDE
INDIA
TODAY CONCLAVE
South Asia's most influential and mostly read newsweekly presents the second Conclave India Tomorrow 2003: Global Giant or Pygmy?
Take
me to Conclave now
CARE
TODAY
INDIA
TODAY HINDI
CURRENT
ISSUE JULY 21, 2003
THE NATION: CONGRESS
Sonia Redux
At the Shimla Shivir, the party chalks out a new
strategy to take on the BJP-led NDA, projecting Sonia as Indira Gandhi.
Will it work?
By Ajit Kumar Jha
The hills
were alive with the sound of ... well, Sonia. At one level, the Congress
party's conclave or the Vichar Manthan Shivir as it is called, held in
the bracing hill resort of Shimla, crafted the perfect script for a future
teleserial Bahu Bhi Ab Saas Banegi. At another, the Shivir was all about
the repackaging of party President Sonia Gandhi in the image of her late
mother-in-law Indira. At the end of the conclave's three-day deliberations,
the strategy for the coming electoral battle was clear: project Sonia
as prime minister. Yet, forge pre- and post-poll alliances with "secular"
parties willing to accept Sonia as the undisputed leader of any future
government formation at the Centre.
SONIA SAVE US: The conclave went the whole
hog projecting party President Sonia as prime minister-in-waiting
It is, however, the "Sonia as Indira" card that will be the
biggest challenge. Sonia, as the electorate knows fully well, is no Indira
who used a mixture of political guile, an iron lady image and canny statecraft
to rule India for 15 years. Despite the reality, the Congress spinmeisters
are trying to fill new wine in a vintage bottle. That explains the tone
and content of Sonia's message and her projected image in Shimla. Her
tough stand on national security and compassion for the poor (shades of
Indira after her Bangladesh victory and her hugely successful Garibi Hatao
slogan) were what the public got to see. For the Congress think tank,
this is a winning election formula.
After dithering and debating on the issue for the past seven years,
the Congress' new strategy is a combination of the classic choice-guns
or butter. The Shimla Sankalp's "beacon''-"Congress ka haath
garib ke saath (The Congress with the poor)''-is supposed to win over
the deprived sections, while the aggressive enunciation of security is
not only aimed at unmasking the BJP's primary poll agenda of suraksha
(security), but also to appeal to the patriotically charged middle class.
First the good news...
Four-point Programme for
the Coming Elections
SONIA LEADS
The Congress projects Sonia Gandhi as the next prime minister. The
Shivir saw the repackaging of the party president in the image of
her mother-in-law, Indira.
ALLIANCES
The party decides to go for pre- and post-poll alliances with "secular
parties" if they are willing to accept Sonia as the undisputed
leader of the Central government.
GUNS AND ROTI
With an aggressive approach on internal security, the party tries
to hijack BJP's poll plank of suraksha. It stresses on poverty alleviation
programmes.
SWING SEATS
Identify the constituencies where the Congress lost the 1999 elections
with a margin of 50,000 votes or less than 6% of votes polled. Adopt
progressive measures there.
The party strategists had chosen an emotive issue, national security,
for Sonia to focus on. Her frontal attack on BJP-style suraksha was meant
to hit the party where it hurt the most. Her inaugural speech at the Shivir
blasted the BJP-led NDA Government for having "failed miserably on
security". An uncharacteristically aggressive Sonia went on to declare
that the NDA had been "unable to combat terrorism effectively. Never
before have terrorist attacks been so extensive and brazen. Worse, it
is using terrorism as a pretext to polarise our society". The historic
Peterhof complex, the venue for the conclave, erupted in applause.
Sonia trotted out some damning figures and statistics. In the past three
years, an amount of almost Rs 24,000 crore from the defence budget was
not spent, thus weakening the country's security. She talked about the
Rs 4,200 crore Kargil surcharge, funds which "in a gross betrayal
of the people of the country ... were diverted for other purposes".
All this, according to her, had been pointed out by the Standing Committee
on Defence. A beaming Jaipal Reddy, the Congress spokesperson, later pointed
out: "Sonia has appropriated the BJP's main electoral plank."
NEW DEAL: The party says it is willing to ally
even with Mulayam's Samajwadi Party
The butter issue carries more resonance. Sonia's pro-poor concerns had
clear echoes of the Garibi Hatao slogan: "Politics is, at its very
core, a process through which we identify ourselves fully with the people
of the country, especially the poor, the disadvantaged and the deprived.''
"Congress ka haath garib ke saath has to become our beacon both in
substance and style,'' she added. "Indiraji is certainly the role
model for Soniaji. And why not, after all, Indiraji is even today the
mother for the poor,'' is how Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Ajit Jogi justified
the selling of Sonia as Indira. Congress Working Committee member Arjun
Singh also agreed that the comparison was rather appropriate: "Soniaji's
recent aggressive attack on the BJP reminds me of the combative Indiraji.''
The only-Sonia-can-save-us chorus was clearly given a major boost in Shimla.
Says Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit: "Sonia became the Congress
president when the party was out of power. Yet, she has given a unique
cohesiveness and direction to the party. From six states five years ago,
the party is in power in 15 states today." She adds, "Yes, Indiraji
is surely the biggest inspiration for Sonia.'' So far, so good.
Now, the bad news...
POLL ALLIANCES Historic Turnaround The party breaks the mould opting to go for
alliances. But differences at the state level may spoil the plan.
After the Vichar Manthan Shivir was concluded at Shimla's Peterhof
Hotel, a reporter asked CWC member Arjun Singh: "Tell us the
truth, is the Congress planning to go for a pre-poll alliance with
the Samajwadi Party even after Mulayam Singh Yadav's attempt to
block Sonia Gandhi from becoming the prime minister?'' Unfazed,
Singh replied: "Yes, absolutely. We are open to a pre-poll
alliance with the sp." "In that case, why are other CWC
members saying Mulayam is the biggest roadblock to any pre-poll
alliance?'' the reporter persisted. A usually serious Singh broke
into a laughter: "In a democracy everyone has the right to
air opinions, but the Congress party is of the view that it is open
to an alliance with all secular-minded parties, including the sp.''
Sonia, in her closing address at the Shimla Shivir, quoted the
resolution adopted at the AICC plenary session in Bangalore in 2001:
"The Congress would be prepared to enter into appropriate electoral
or coalition arrangements with secular parties on the basis of mutual
understanding but always without compromising its basic ideology.''
She reiterated: "The prevailing situation in the country makes
it incumbent on all secular forces to intensify their efforts to
evolve a strategy for combating communalism and religious fundamentalism
and for ensuring the defeat of the BJP and its allies.'' No further
clarification is required of the Congress' historic turnaround on
the issue of alliances from its imperious Pachmarhi days.
Yet, the truth is that internal differences over coalitions are
undermining every state unit, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,
Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. The flip-flop over allying with other
parties was reflected in the big fight between Rampur MP Noor Bano
and the Qayamganj MLA Louise Khurshid. Bano argued that "if
a pre-poll deal with Mulayam is not struck immediately the Congress
workers will run away". Khurshid retorted that "a late
alliance will give the Congress an upper hand while bargaining for
seats".
The state-level differences have varying tones. A Congress spokesman
admitted that while "it will be easier to strike a deal in
Maharashtra since we have a government with the Nationalist Congress
party, the alliance with the DMK is only at a theoretically probable
stage". A Dalit CWC member from Bihar admitted "that there
is no choice other than going with Laloo Prasad Yadav". Yet,
the Bihar PCC President Ram Jatan Sinha complained: "If I do
not get leverage in dealing with Laloo from the high command, a
Congress resurgence will be impossible in the state."
These disagreements can perhaps be papered over by the high command
imposing its decision on alliances. But history shows that there
is nothing to prevent state units from sabotaging alliance candidates.
The trouble is that none of Sonia's spin doctors are willing to face
the harsh truth. Notwithstanding the success in the states, the party
has touched the abyss under Sonia, with the lowest ever 112 seats in the
Lok Sabha and 28 per cent of the votes in the 1999 general elections.
This is a nosedive even from her previous record of 141 seats in the 1998
elections. None of the five draft discussion papers (meant only for internal
consumption) treated that aspect with any seriousness. The paper on election
preparedness and organisational reforms takes comfort from the fact that
"in the 1999 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress lost 132 seats by
under 50,000 votes, 77 of which were lost by under 6 per cent of the votes
polled ... this has to be offset against the seats won by the Congress
by reversible margins". What the document ignores is that in psephological
terms a margin of 50,000 votes or even a little over 5 per cent votes
polled is not considered as just a marginal swing.
It is in these "swing" constituencies that the Congress is
planning to carry on a micro-level exercise to identify specific hurdles
on the road to electoral success. A large number of such constituencies
fall in the tribal belt running south from Nepal to the Telangana region
of Andhra Pradesh, most of which is highly underdeveloped. This explains
the party's leftward tilt under Sonia, the emphasis on poverty alleviation
programmes and on environmentally sustainable solutions to development
to attract the tribal vote bank along with the Dalits and other marginal
sections. The Congress is aware that a significant section of the tribals
has been won over by the BJP and is, therefore, contemplating steps to
win them back.
There is also a realisation that only one-third of the middle-to-upper
classes which benefited from economic reforms support the party. Therefore,
economic reforms and other measures to draw the middle class-other than
the security issue-are conspicuous by their absence in Sonia's speech.
It was only brought in as an afterthought in the Sankalp and that too
feebly: "The inc is the only party that integrates pro-poor policies,
programmes and perspectives with the concerns and aspirations of the middle
classes and entrepreneurial communities.''
In the post-1991 era of reforms, the Congress can ill afford to neglect
the numerically bulging and influential middle class. There is already
dissent within the party on this only pro-poor approach, silent on middle
class issues. "Most of my support base lies in the middle class in
Delhi, the case may not be so in Madhya Pradesh,'' laments Dikshit. Meanwhile
Reddy is defensive: "Economic reforms and distributive justice are
not contradictory.'' Yet, he adds almost as wishful thinking, "The
middle class will return to the Congress because of the anti-incumbency
factor working against the NDA.'' Reddy, however, feels Sonia's appeal
is different. "Sonia has an instinctive feel for the middle ground
and, therefore, an appeal that cuts across classes," he says. Another
senior Congress leader agrees: "If Sonia were not Italian, she would
have been the delight of the middle class with her ideal housewife image."
THE SLEEPING
PARTNERS
EYES WIDE SHUT: S.C. Jamir (right), former chief minister,
Nagaland
OH FOR FORTY WINKS: Pranab Mukherjee, senior Congress leader
EYES WIDE SHUT: S.C. Jamir (right), former chief minister,
Nagaland
OH FOR FORTY WINKS: Pranab Mukherjee, senior Congress leader
If the conclave had a downside it was the accusation made by the local
BJP functionaries who charged the Congress Government of Himachal Pradesh
with blatant misuse of official machinery. The best evidence for their
claim is an official letter (No. GAD-A(F) 10-5/2003) by the chief secretary
on June 26, under the subject, "Visit of VVIPs/VIPs". Addressed
to the heads of departments, the letter states: "I am directed to
say that State Chief Ministers & other VVIP/VIPs are visiting Himachal
Pradesh. A large number of vehicles are required for security purposes,
etc. Therefore, it has been decided to pool vehicles from all the departments."
While the BJP claims that the misuse of government machinery amounts
to Rs 5 crore the Congress spokesman has reportedly said that the entire
cost of the Shivir was only about Rs 1 crore. That was not the only dampener.
Despite what the Sonia spin doctors may think, her packaging as Indira
has serious limitations.
An Italian-born, white-skinned memsahib who can speak just a smattering
of Hindi with an accent can never mesmerise the poor as Indira Gandhi
did. The credit for the fact that Congress has increased its states tally
from six to 15 cannot go only to Sonia since assembly elections are won
on local issues. On the other hand, she could be held partly responsible
for the national slide in the Congress base from 1998 to 1999. "She
might be acceptable as bahu (daughter-in-law) but not as the saas (mother-in-law),
that is Indira herself,'' accepts a CWC member. Saas or bahu, the new
packaging of Sonia has left the Congressmen literally on a high in the
hills of Shimla. Down at ground zero, it could be a different story altogether.