Ariel Sharon is the warrior exemplar: his personal reputation of being the ultimate war leader precedes him by a mile. Yet today, this prime minister of Israel is presiding over the cusp-of-history debate in the Middle East, slogging through a peace process with the Palestinians that actually has a ghost of a chance of success. Ahead of his first ever tour of India, Sharon has excited Indians in a unique way. For the government, his visit will mark a watershed in the country's foreign policy.

STRONG OPINION: Left parties, which consider Israel as an occupation force in Palestine, will hold protests during the visit of Sharon (left)

Sharon comes to India at a time when the West Asia peace roadmap is floundering, lost in the suicide bombings and Israeli retaliatory attacks that have ended the hudna (ceasefire) by Palestinian militants. In India, he will be at the centre of a gamut of strong opinions.

Admiration is the ruling emotion of the RSS-type cultural nationalist, surveying a nation that has recreated a lost civilisation and revived a lost language. For right-wingers like the BJP, Israel symbolises the "strong state" with strong underpinnings of religion and a pro-active approach to its enemies. As Seshadri Chari, editor of the RSS mouthpiece, Organiser, says, "The existence of Israel has important lessons for India especially in the field of defence and on how to influence superpower opinions."

For the Indian armed forces, its Israeli counterpart is what cutting edge combat efficiency is all about. In fact, as Air Vice-Marshal Kapil Kak of the Centre of Air Power Studies points out, Israel has "some of the finest minds in planning and executing air power and strategising air power for political goals". Kak says this with undisguised enthusiasm, epitomising the romance of the defence superiority of a tiny country sitting pretty in its neighbourhood of enemies.

For the Left-liberal, Israel, however, symbolises brute force and occupation of other territories, generally the oppressors of the region. Confirming that Left parties would hold a demonstration against Sharon during his visit, CPI(M) politburo member Sitaram Yechury says, "Sharon has not been punished for his massacre of Palestinians in 1982. He is responsible for the derailing of the Oslo accord and the present roadmap." It may be recalled that his leader Jyoti Basu visited Israel to attract investment for West Bengal a few years ago.

The Government is playing it safe. Although bilateral ties are on a fast-growth axis, both countries take care to keep the other's sensitivities in mind. India played host to Palestinian Foreign Minister Nabil Shaath over the weekend and has promised to train Palestinian diplomats. Even though the India-Israel discussions will feature in a US-India regional affairs dialogue soon after, both countries are playing down the American card. The bottom line is, this is a relationship with other facets to it apart from defence and the US. For the security interests of both Delhi and Tel Aviv, here is a chance to forge a relationship completely independent of Washington and build a core group of Asian powers.

Pakistan naturally regards the India-Israel relationship with great trepidation. Islamabad's apprehension is closely tied to what they believe is an India-Israel nexus that has Pakistan in its crosshairs. General Pervez Musharraf, like leaders of many other countries, figured that the way to Washington's heart ran through Tel Aviv. It might even soften Congressional opposition to a $3 billion aid package to Pakistan when it comes up for review next year. This prompted Musharraf to make that famous statement in Washington earlier this year, promising to begin diplomatic relations with Israel which has obviously stirred a storm of protest in Pakistan.

Indian foreign policymakers have taken a different view of it. Recognition of Israel by a premier Muslim country would be little short of a boon. But Delhi is also apprehensive of the next stage of any such relationship-which might be arms sales. Therefore, India has made it very clear to Israel that while it could live with political recognition of Israel by Islamabad, any sale of arms or defence equipment to Pakistan would jeopardise Delhi's defence acquisitions from Israel.

The other people watching this "emerging alliance" closely are the Arab nations. Long regarded as India's sole friends in the Middle East, they are viewing the new Indian policy with interest. Less for their love for Palestinians as for a more strategic reason of evolving power equations in the Middle East. This despite Arab countries' staunch refusal to prevent critical resolutions against India over the years in the Organisation of Islamic Countries.

India's increased participation in the war against terrorism has also driven a wedge between Palestinians and their traditional friends. In fact, Shaath failed to win any assurance from Delhi on the definition of terrorism. India has taken a dim view of suicide bombings by Palestinians despite support for the Palestinian cause. Besides, India has rejected Shaath's claim that India might be using Israel to build ties with Washington.

But it is a mark of sensitivity to Arab and Pakistani opinion that during Sharon's visit nothing of these security issues will see the light of day, even if they feature in the behind-the-scenes discussions between the two sides. Security, defence and missiles are going to be strictly off-limits although what the Indian side is dying to discuss is the possible acquisition of the Arrow anti-ballistic missile system.

Israel wants to be seen dabbling in "soft power" issues and India is the perfect partner-culture, environment, health and drugs will dominate Sharon's sojourn rather than weapons and terrorism.