The banquet was kosher-only fish and vegetables-and the Israelis were hooked. When 78-year-old Atal Bihari Vajpayee stepped up to greet 75-year-old Ariel Sharon, the Israeli prime minister, in the forecourt of Rashtrapati Bhavan-much like two clandestine lovers coming out of the closet-stiff knees weren't the only bond between the two men. Acknowledging an affair that for a decade has blossomed in the shadows, they were the protagonists in the drama of changing geopolitics. Two years ago, the debris of the twin towers in downtown Manhattan heralded a tectonic shift in world politics. On the second anniversary of 9/11, in a coincidence calculated to escape none, the India-Israel partnership was sealed.

HAND-SOME DIVIDEND: Sharon's (left) meeting with Vajpayee signalled a paradigm shift in Indo-Israeli relations

Sharon was nursing a cold and, according to senior Israeli officials in Jerusalem, actually took a few days off to recover for his India visit. The resignation of Mahmoud Abbas as Palestinian prime minister and fears of suicide bombings-which grimly came true on September 9-did not deter him. However, when he curtailed his visit by a day, the intifada intruded harshly into what was a feel-good venture. "We are cutting short our visit for the very reason that brought us to India-terrorism," said Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Yossef Lapid.

India laid it on thick, the pomp and colour of the Indian ceremony quite breathtaking for the dour Israelis. Walking back from the ceremonial welcome at Rashtrapati Bhavan, a visibly moved Sharon was heard exclaiming, "This is the most beautiful ceremony I have ever seen." Despite the hurried return to Israel, Sharon, officials say, went back a happy man.

On the other hand, it was the first time the Indian consciousness was hit by the expanse of the Israeli security drill. It was only when officials of the Taj Mahal Hotel-where Sharon was staying-saw Shin Bet-Mossad agents slice open a canopy in the foyer that they learned the nature of the security beast. Unlike the paranoid Indian security services, the Israelis spared mobile phones, but jugs of milk and shoe soles were not. A notice in the hotel said it all: the decisions of the Israeli security team were final.

For Vajpayee, the protests by his predecessors, communists, Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid Syed Ahmed Bukhari and dyed-in-the-wool anti-Israeli columnists were democracy on the loose, not to be confused with national interests. So while the Indian readers were educated on the Sabra-Shatila massacres, Bukhari railed against Sharon's "napak (dishonourable)" intentions (a delicious irony), former prime ministers like H.D. Deve Gowda (who thought nothing of hugging his Israeli counterpart when he was the prime minister) authored a signature campaign, and the CPI(M), whose erstwhile prime ministerial candidate Jyoti Basu famously led a delegation to Israel a few years ago, was out in force determined to deliver ready justice to Sharon outside the hotel. Even the Congress tried hard to clamp down on the fact that Rajiv Gandhi had begun informal dialogues with the Israelis and was reported to have bought Uzi guns for his personal security.

Beyond the clamour, the soundbites were encouraging. "The changed geo-strategic environment has altered the conditions in which countries like India and Israel operate ... We must be the bearers of the change we seek," said Raanan Gissin, Sharon's senior adviser, while talking to India Today. "It is the maturing of our policy of finding the right balance in West Asia," added Indian Ministry of External Affairs officials. For David Danielli, Israel's new ambassador to India, it was an event of some magnitude: during his previous posting in Singapore, he apparently tried in vain to push through a Sharon visit. Singapore, according to diplomatic sources, bowed to opposition from Malaysia and Indonesia. Here, he barely had time to unpack before Sharon came over the horizon.

Terrorism, security, defence technology and the grim reality of the Middle East were the main ingredients of the visit. Despite efforts to lighten the atmosphere by bringing in a rock star and an actor, Sharon's attractive Education Minister Limor Livnat preferred to dwell on how Palestinians target Israeli children. "We walk with a sword in our hand," said Sharon. No wonder so many Israeli tourists come for a spiritual high to the Dalai Lama or at Osho's ashram in Pune.

In the post-9/11 world, Indian and Israeli perceptions of terrorism have overlapped. Sharon's assertion to Vajpayee that the Palestinian terrorist infrastructure had to be dismantled before any peace process could take root sounded suspiciously like India's statements regarding Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. Terrorism, said Israel, could not be used by Yasser Arafat as a tool for political negotiation. Shades of India's demands on Pakistan? This was why, despite some defensiveness about cosying up to Israel, there was a grudging admission of the validity of their argument.

Predictably, terrorism dominated the discussions, either as equipment that India wants or support that Israel needs. India's shopping list covers the gamut of equipment, from the latest fingerprint-deciphering powder, radars, anti-missile systems, spy drones, night-vision equipment and border management systems to long-distance snipers, and training equipment. Israel and India expect to jointly launch a telescope-equipped satellite within two years, announced Lapid, which would help India get sub-metre resolution pictures from satellites. Israel Livnat, president, ELTA Systems, which has sold the Green Pine radar systems to India, was upbeat: "India is a huge market for us." India is also interested in the Rs 480 crore shipborne electronic warfare systems. A large part of the equipment to be used to modernise the Indian Army, a Rs 3,290-crore project, is expected to come from Israel.

The death of Trishul and Akash missile projects means that Indian ships will now be equipped with the Rafael-made Barak anti-missile systems. The Cabinet Committee on Security recently cleared the purchase of 10 Barak systems. The key to the Indian acquisitions, whether in terms of superior avionics for the Su-30s or the Phalcon AWACS, are two important considerations: pre-emptive capability and neutralising of Pakistan's missile advantage.

A joint surveillance of terrorist groups in the region and real-time intelligence-sharing between the two countries is also on the cards. The next joint working group meeting on counter-terrorism in November this year will focus on strategies for combating terrorism. In response to a breathtaking presentation by the Israelis on suicide bombings, India will conduct one on, hold your breath, aircraft security and border surveillance.

Israel walked the tightrope between India and Pakistan, refusing to categorise Pakistan as an "epicentre of terrorism" or hold the establishment responsible. Although there is no movement to normalise relations with Pakistan, Lapid was clear: "We have no animosity with Pakistan. Our good relations with India have to do with defence."

For its part, India refused to go along with the Israeli description of Arafat as the "main obstacle to peace", even though Indian officials privately admit that Arafat prefers to remain a fighter rather than a nation-builder. Certainly India has taken a big step from the traditional unquestioning pro-Arafat stand to a more nuanced position, where Palestinian suicide bombings receive no quarter. "India finds it increasingly beneficial to learn from Israel's experience in dealing with terrorism since Israel too has suffered long from cross-border terrorism," was how the mea defined the new Indian viewpoint on Palestinian terror. In short, Vajpayee and Sharon agreed to differ on Arafat. Israel is ready to expel Arafat, but Indian officials tried to explain that such an extreme step might prove counterproductive.

BANNER OF REVOLT: Muslim in Delhi protesting against Sharon's visit

It was on the subject of Iran that the Indians were forced to do a lot of explaining. Having trumpeted a "strategic partnership" with Teheran last year, India is now having to bend over backwards to explain that there is no technological or nuclear component in the ties. Israel demanded clarity on the security of sensitive technologies that it sells to India and fears of leakages to Teheran, especially with fresh intelligence reports of Pakistan's support to the Iranian nuclear programme.

Nevertheless, the new India-Israel entente will play by an old Zionist rule: we do not live by the kindness of strangers. Israel expects reciprocity to determine the quality of any relationship and ties with India will be no different. India has refrained from initiating anti-Israel resolutions in the un in the past few years. For Israel, that is a good beginning.

— with Malini Goyal