He is the angry old man of Indian foreign policy. He has accused the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government of "premature articulation", driving India to becoming a "client state" of the US and flip-flops on Pakistan. But in government, Natwar Singh, the new foreign minister, is finding that the world has changed since the last time he was in government over a decade ago. The contours of the UPA foreign policy are familiar: dialogue with Pakistan using the Simla pact and subsequent agreements as the bedrock, "constructive" engagement with the US, re-engagement with the Islamic world, reinventing Non-Alignment ...

SINGED: The foreign minister came close to a baptism by fire

The devil, inevitably, is in the detail. These unexceptionable foreign policy objectives take on a whole different outlook when confronted by the international dynamics which are radically different from what they were when Congress demitted office in 1996. It explains why Natwar was "appalled" (see interview) when Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf walked over to the nearest TV studio to air his disagreement with the new Indian position on Simla being the bedrock of the India-Pak peace talks and Pakistan Foreign Minister Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri rejected outright the Sino-Indian model of progress. He confronted a bruising media onslaught, and even Foreign Secretary Shashank's rap-on-the-knuckles to Pakistan regarding their paranoia of the Simla Agreement scarcely helped. Musharraf's subsequent distress call to Vajpayee spoke volumes.

It is the closest Natwar got to a baptism by fire. He rushed to announce the new dates for the composite dialogue with Pakistan (June 19-20 for the nuclear CBMS and June 27-28 for the foreign secretary talks). It will be on Pakistan that the new Government will be tested. The peace process, as it stands at present, will need fresh fuel by the time Natwar and Kasuri meet to review things in August. If the process is to be rescued from renewed infiltration, India has to start thinking fast. The present process was premised on a personal understanding between Musharraf and Vajpayee and it will require all of Natwar's skills to give it a push. "Much will depend on the willingness of the Pakistan military establishment to end terrorism," says G. Parthasarathy, former high commissioner to Pakistan. However, Natwar's formulation that talks with Pakistan would continue even if large scale terror attacks occur should be music to Pakistani ears, because Islamabad had opposed the Vajpayee government's decision to leverage talks with suppressing terrorism. Moreover, his offer that India would look positively at the Iran-India gas pipeline, with security guarantees from Pakistan, which had been stalled by the NDA government for security concerns should assuage Pakistani concerns further.

NEIGHBOURS FIRST: The first task of Natwar (far right) was to debrief Indian envoys in SAARC and ASEAN nations

Contrary to his reputation of being an anti-US hawk, one of his first visitors was US Ambassador David Mulford. And after his conversation with US Secretary of State Colin Powell, Natwar said, "The Americans are pressuring Pakistan to work out peace with India." It is the clearest sign that the UPA Government's engagement with the US will be more comprehensive than is commonly believed. It was evident in the fact that US Under-secretary of Defence Douglas Feith's discussions with National Security Adviser J.N. Dixit on June 1 extensively covered missile defence, even though Natwar declared it to be the "doctrine" of "one person in the previous government".

One of the top priorities of this Government, Natwar said, will be India's neighbourhood. It showed in his first intensive interaction with the SAARC envoys and his decision to make Kathmandu his first overseas destination. The right notes have been struck with Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. The visiting Bangladesh Foreign Minister Morshed Khan visibly breathed a sigh of relief after meeting Natwar. "We can already feel the change in approach," he said. "We discussed the same issues but it was a more positive interaction." As a sign that things are changing, Bangladesh has agreed to let foreign intelligence agencies investigate the recent arms haul in Chittagong, Khan said.

Former foreign minister Jaswant Singh has already gone on record characterising Natwar's proposal of a "common nuclear doctrine with China and Pakistan" as "fanciful outpourings". This will be a rocky road since Pakistan's nuclear programme is aimed at India and China's is a global doctrine, as is India's. However, the next big thing in the new Government's strategic doctrine might be a review of the no-first-use nuclear policy. It is an idea that is being considered by the Congress security establishment and it has its basis in a recommendation by the previous National Security Advisory Board. Will this mean a tacit approval of the George Bush doctrine of pre-emption that the Congress opposed stoutly?

SOS: Musharraf called Vajpayee for help

India's relations with the Islamic world have undergone a subtle transformation over the past few years and it has been more strident with Arab countries regarding their unquestioning support to Pakistan's resolutions against India at the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC). With a renewed engagement with the Islamic world on the cards, the Government might need to nuance its interactions with the Arabs. On the other hand, India's new defence and security relationship with Israel might mean that the support for Arafat notwithstanding, the Government won't find it easy to ignore Israel's status as India's second largest defence supplier. Natwar said the UPA Government would review intelligence cooperation with Israel which then runs smack into India's new and improved multinational cooperation network to tackle international Islamic terrorism. Nevertheless, the NDA's focus on the India-Israel-US axis will be silenced.

On a more mundane note, Natwar could create bureaucratic history when he appoints his next foreign secretary in July. Seniority or longevity will be the million-dollar question that the minister will answer. The pressures of that decision promise to be as much as the pressure to conduct old-fashioned diplomacy under the arclights of a 24-hour news media. The new minister would rather keep diplomacy confined to diplomats. He is likely to find that the media cares little for such traditional niceties.

"India is a changed place," said Natwar to India Today, a message that this Government wants to do things differently. To showcase the new paradigm, he wants to keep the fires of Indian foreign policy burning in the Ministry of External Affairs rather than the Prime Minister's Office. It is a turf battle that affected previous governments and promises to dog this one too. It has ultimately to do with the prime minister's vision for India in the world. Analysts say the Manmohan Singh Government is more about economics than traditional foreign policy. How will that affect the new mea?

INTERVIEW | NATWAR SINGH
"There will be no U-turns"

"I have the best book collection in north India," states Natwar Singh simply, as he guides you to an original drawing by Rabindranath Tagore, sandwiched between Husains. Natwar prides himself on his erudition and promises to get foreign policy back into the confines of the Ministry of External Affairs. In a free-wheeling interview with Associate Editor Indrani Bagchi, Natwar outlines his world vision and the future direction of India's foreign policy.

Q. You have been out of power for nine years. How does it feel to be back?
A. When I walked into the mea I did not feel like a stranger. I first entered South Block on March 5, 1951. Then we could all fit into one conference room. Now the international beach is very crowded.

Q. Would you like to clarify your Pakistan policy?
A. I was appalled at the reaction of the Pakistan authorities, specially General Pervez Musharraf. He could have asked our high commissioner in Islamabad or sent a query through his high commissioner in Delhi. Instead he went on television. We are for the closest of relations with Pakistan but based on reciprocity and realism.

We are willing to consider the Iran-India gas pipeline if Pakistan provides us with international security guarantees. We are willing to discuss our own views on Kashmir. When I meet Pakistani Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri in August, I will ask them when they plan to stop their terrorism programme.

Q. You have said that peace talks with Pakistan will not be stopped even if there is a terror attack.
A. Well, we hope there won't be such attacks given the new atmosphere. There can be no compromise on terrorism. Most terrorism in India comes from across the border, though Pakistan's policy of bleeding India has not worked.

Q. You have said that the previous government was too pro-US. What will be the parameters of your US policy?
A. I had the most cordial talk with US Secretary of State Colin Powell the other day. Our relations with the US should allow us to confide in each other. There is no paradigm shift in US-India relations, contrary to what the previous government believed. We cannot be "natural allies" if Powell grants the Major Non-NATO Ally status to Pakistan without even consulting India.

Q. How do you plan to rejuvenate SAARC?
A. SAARC needs a blood transfusion. Instead of engaging in verbal fisticuffs with our neighbours, we should work for development. I intend to pitch for a SAARC cricket team of India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.

Q. Can we send troops to Iraq if the UN resolution calls for it?
A. We have welcomed the UN resolution because it signifies a return to multilateralism from unilateralism. This government has differences on some aspects of the policy of the alliance partners. These differences will be discussed and deliberated upon at the diplomatic level without any publicity.

Q. How will your policy on Israel be different?
A. We have a strong relationship with Israel. Unlike the previous government which laid a premium on the trilateral relationship with Israel and the US, we will review the intelligence cooperation between Israel and India. Our approach will be pragmatic and empirical and there will be no U-turns.

Q. How will things be different at the Foreign Office?
A. The previous government had taken foreign policy from the mea to the Prime Minister's Office. That will not be done any longer. India is a changed place. Our foreign policy will be conducted on the basis of reciprocity, on the broad framework set down by Jawaharlal Nehru. We will not be a client state.