t could well be an apocryphal story. A few days after his defeat in the 1995 assembly polls, some Mumbai Congressmen called on Vilasrao Deshmukh. They chose not to discuss the polls and instead excitedly told him that they had seen his wada at Babulgaon near Latur. Even in defeat Deshmukh was not to be robbed of his status. "Deshmukhs live in gadhis," he roared. Translated, wadas are havelis that house lesser Marathas like Patils and Pawars. The Deshmukhs, befitting the status of king's emissaries, live in fortress-like gadhis. The riposte may well have been half in jest but almost a decade later Deshmukh finds himself chosen by his party to defend its crumbling fortress. Pitted against him is not just anyone but Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar himself.

PICTURE SPEAK
TWO'S COMPANY? Deshmukh (right) with Deputy Chief Minister Patil HASMUKH OUT, DESHMUKH IN: Shinde makes way for Maratha votes

Admittedly, Congress President Sonia Gandhi may have pulled a fast one on the NCP chief by checkmating his gambit of appointing R.R. Patil as deputy chief minister (in the hope of forcing the Congress to choose a non-Maratha like Sushilkumar Shinde as chief minister). Although Prithviraj Chavan, minister of state in the PMO, would have you believe that the change was because "Shinde didn't lead the party to victory", the strategy was to prevent the NCP from walking away with the Maratha vote bank that constitutes over 23 per cent of the electorate in the state. Now, Sonia expects Deshmukh to make it happen. Earlier this year, as the man in charge of the Karnataka unit of the party, Deshmukh had told Sonia that 90 per cent of the MLAs backed S.M. Krishna to continue as chief minister even though the Congress lost its majority. But Sonia believed that someone had to pay for the erosion of votes and Krishna did. Ditto with Shinde: Deshmukh knows only too well the price of that expectation not being met.

CROWN OF THORNS

Rs 93,000 crore Debt burden of India's second largest state. Rs 10,000 crore Annual cost of poll sops of free power and debt waivers for farmers. 16: Number of ministerial berths in the Congress quota versus the NCP's 24. 80: Percentage share of budget controlled by NCP. Congress: 20%.

He may have waved the typical coalition flag-"We have to work together"-alongside Patil an hour after they were sworn in on November 1, but Deshmukh has his task cut out. The Congress faces a virtual Biharification of its position in Maharashtra. Thanks in no small measure to the NCP's aggressive politics and its own chaotic poll management the party with 69 MLAs is at its worst position ever. It has no representation in seven districts and has done badly in 15 districts with only one MLA in some.

Worse, major portfolios-home, power, PWD, irrigation and health, the instruments of expansionism-are with the NCP. Pawar's proteges, unlike Congressmen, are also young and aggressively ambitious. In 1999 they even forced Pawar into a coalition in the state and dissuaded him from tying up with the BJP in 2004. Add the near bankruptcy of a state with revenues of Rs 40,000 crore, a debt of Rs 93,000 crore and poll sops that could cost Rs 10,000 crore. As the state BJP chief Gopinath Munde puts it, "The biggest risk for the state is that by trying to further party interests they could drag the state underground."

Not surprisingly, the Opposition has already declared gloom and doom. BJP's state General Secretary Vinod Tawde says that "the internal conflict between the NCP and the Congress will tear the coalition asunder and bring down the Democratic Front Government". Shiv Sena's mouthpiece Saamna has described Deshmukh's return as "old wine in old bottle", while its leader Sanjay Nirupam predicts "laments of empty treasury very soon".

Thankfully for Deshmukh the downside is all well known. Congressmen may think differently, but he views his task is not containment of the NCP but doing better. When asked how he will deal with the NCP, he simply says, "I believe in the old dictum of Socrates-of drawing a longer line to make the opponent's line shorter." At 59, he knows his politics well, having started as a sarpanch. Also, though he is a high command nominee, he enjoys the backing of 80 per cent of MLAs who voted for him in a secret ballot and partymen even endorse his leadership and see him as the saviour from a possible decimation. Says Murli Deora, Rajya Sabha member: "Deshmukh is a dynamic leader and an efficient organiser." Ashok Chavan, whose father, the late S.B. Chavan, is said to be Deshmukh's guru, believes his "administerial abilities" are beyond doubt. Bravado? Perhaps. But the Maratha in Deshmukh knows fortune favours the brave and has sensed an opportunity in dealing with the NCP. Contrary to perceptions, Patil's ascent as deputy chief minister is not without any fallout. Chhagan Bhujbal, the former deputy chief minister, is disappointed and says Pawar "ditched" him. Others, including former deputy chief minister V.M. Patil, former finance minister Jayant Patil and Pawar's nephew Ajit couldn't be too happy either. There could be an emerging coalition that could well work for Deshmukh. Tawde suggests that "if Deshmukh succeeds, and it is a big IF, he could well emerge as the true Maratha among the Congress siblings and even trigger a reverse merger of the NCP into the Congress". Coming from Tawde, it may well be an attempt to drive a wedge between the two allies.

But it could be Deshmukh's dream as well. If he fails, it could be the worst nightmare for him and the Congress.

-with Lakshmi Iyer

INTERVIEW: VILASRAO DESHMUKH

"You cannot call this a Maratha government" Ten hours after being sworn in to the hottest seat, Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh spoke to Deputy Editor Shankkar Aiyar about the challenges before him and his newly elected Government. Q. Is your comeback a surprise or did you actually plan it? A. It was not a surprise but then I didn't plan it either. I knew I was in the running for the post.   PICTURE SPEAK DO OR DIE: Deshmukh has a daunting task ahead Q. So do you know now why you were dropped nearly two years ago? A. If the decision to make me the chief minister was right, then the other decision also has to be taken in that spirit. Q. Isn't your appointment aimed at strengthening the Maratha vote bank? A. I don't accept this. It is the responsibility of any leader from the majority community to take others along. Fortunately, I have never been treated as a leader of one community and have acceptance among all. Q. This regime seems like a government of the Marathas, by the Marathas and for the Marathas.... A. No. No, not at all. You cannot call this a government for the Marathas. In Maharashtra merit, not caste, is what matters. Otherwise V.P. Naik wouldn't have been chief minister for 11 years. Nor would A.R. Antulay and Sudhakar Naik. Maharashtra's social fabric is different from other states. Q. With the NCP controlling major portfolios and a higher number of berths, isn't your situation precarious? A. It doesn't matter. Decisions in the cabinet are taken unanimously and never put to vote. This should ward off any such fears. Q. Your party expects you to take on Sharad Pawar and refurbish the Congress. Are you up to it? A. There is no question of taking on anybody. We have to strengthen our own party and I am willing to accept the challenge. Q. Do you have a game plan to revive the Congress in the face of NCP's growth? A. First we have to sit together and find out the reasons why we did not fare well. Some soul-searching is necessary. Q. What according to you is the biggest challenge for the coalition? A. First we have to accept that Maharashtra has entered the coalition era and people want it so. Our major task is to fix the deteriorating fiscal situation of excessive borrowings and debt. Q. That begs the question. With a debt of Rs 93,000 crore how will you keep your promises? A. The promises should be seen in context: in a state where farmers were committing suicide steps to avert that have to be taken. Q. What about Mumbai and unemployment among the urban voters who have backed you massively this time around? A. Mumbai's infrastructure is my top priority. So is job creation for the urban youth. While we have EGs for rural youth there will be a comprehensive plan for the educated urban jobless. Q. Where will the money come from? A. We will raise resources, but these are national issues and the Centre will have to step in.

RELATED STORIES:

Pawar and Glory

Survival Instinct

Day of the Avenger

Uneasy to Begin With

Index