Unlike one-day cricket matches, diplomatic outcomes rarely go down to the wire. Yet, even as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh landed in Washington D.C. on July 17 for his summit meeting with US President George W. Bush scheduled for the next morning, frantic negotiations were still on between key interlocutors of the two countries. Foreign Minister Natwar Singh cut short his crucial pow-wow with the representatives of the African Union and G-4 countries on the expansion of the UN Security Council, and dashed to New York's La Guardia airport. He caught the 5 p.m. shuttle to Washington D.C. and two hours later he was ensconced in a meeting with his counterpart, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

PICTURE SPEAK

HISTORIC MOVE: Bush and Manmohan have ended a three-decade standoff

The meeting would later prove to be the moment of truth. For months, key Bush Administration officials had talked of taking a "quantum leap" in relations between the two countries that included a commitment to help India become a global power. The litmus test was whether the US would end three decades of treating India like a pariah and acknowledge its status as a nuclear-weapons power. India also wanted a commitment for cooperation in civilian nuclear reactor technology. The Americans, hamstrung by restrictive nuclear non-proliferation laws dictated by the US Congress, were so far unwilling to do so.

Eventually, Natwar and Rice hammered out a compromise. Out went the overt reference to India as a nuclear-weapons power. Instead, India was defined as a "responsible state with advanced nuclear technology". In plainspeak, it meant that the US had bucked the global non-proliferation regime and tacitly admitted India into the exclusive club of nuclear haves.

A BOLD NEW DEAL

QUANTUM LEAP: By engaging India on a range of critical issues, including economic, energy security, hi-tech and space, the US signals a quantum leap in bilateral relations. COUNTERWEIGHT TO CHINA: By laying down a larger vision of assisting India in its quest to be a global power, the US is building a balancing power in Asia. NUCLEAR BARGAIN: By agreeing to treat India as a de facto nuclear power, the US ends a three-decade stand-off that could open the doors on civilian nuclear and hi-tech cooperation.

Later that evening when Natwar briefed Manmohan and key members of the prime minister's entourage, fears were expressed about a political backlash. The foreign minister assuaged them by saying, "Look, in India I am considered to be a Nehruvian and a critic of the US. If I can accept this then people will be convinced that it is good for our country. So, don't worry." So when Rice called upon the prime minister at Blair House early the next morning, the Indian team had no misgivings on their position. Satisfied, she returned to brief the President for the final time. When the prime minister was driven to the White House the die was finally cast on what Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran would later describe as a "transformation in relations that is here to stay".

After the ceremonial guard of honour and the 21-gun salute, Bush took the stage and set the tone in the welcome address by saying, "Our nations believe in freedom. And our nations are confronting global terrorism." In one sentence, he had formally reiterated what Indian officials have been arguing relentlessly: that terrorism is the same whether it was the killing of innocents in Kashmir, London or New York. Implicit too was that the statement put Pakistan on notice.

JOINT VENTURES

HI-TECH AND SPACE: A Science and Technology Framework Agreement to provide for joint research and training, building on the US-India High-Technology Cooperation Group. Build closer ties in space exploration, satellite navigation and launch and in the commercial space arena. Build on the strengthened nuclear non-proliferation commitments undertaken in the NSSP. DEFENCE AND DISASTER RELIEF: New Framework for the US-India Defence Relationship, set as a basis for future cooperation. Launch a US-India Disaster Relief Initiative to boost cooperation during disaster relief operations. ECONOMY: CEO forum launched to revitalise economic dialogue by harnessing private sector energy and ideas. ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT: Promote stable and efficient energy markets in India. Work towards developing and deploying cleaner, affordable and diversified energy technologies. GLOBAL INITIATIVES: The new US-India Global Democracy Initiative would support democracies in transition. Combat HIV/AIDS at a global level through an initiative that mobilises the private and public sectors.

Three hours later when the two leaders emerged from the Oval Office to address a press conference, not many knew what had been agreed upon. Manmohan dropped the first hint when in response to a question on nuclear energy, he said, "As you will see from the joint statement, this issue has been addressed in a manner which gives me great satisfaction. I thank the President for his personal role and interest in facilitating a solution to this complex problem."

The joint statement made it clear that Bush had bit the bullet on the nuclear front. For there was explicit presidential commitment to work towards "achieving full civil nuclear energy cooperation with India" that included getting the Congress to agree on adjusting US laws and polices and persuade its allies to do so. It would also work out ways to supply much-needed nuclear fuel for India's civilian reactors.

"It's a shot that is going to be heard around the globe. It is a signal from the US to the rest of the world that India has finally arrived," said an ecstatic Ashley Tellis, senior associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Affairs. Tellis, along with former US envoy to India Robert Blackwill (both later served as key aides to Rice), had worked hard in the past five years to change mindsets in the US Administration.

The nuclear turnaround was not the only thing that had Manmohan smiling. The joint statement laid out a larger vision by the US to advance India's interests as a global power by cooperation in a diverse range of fields straddling the economy, agriculture, defence, science and high technology (see box). "What we have done is to develop with the Indian Government a broad, global partnership of the likes that we've not seen with India since India's founding in 1947," says Nick Burns, under secretary of state for political affairs.

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SOFT SPOKEN: The Indian prime minister addresses the joint meeting of the US Congress in Washington

From the pomp and circumstances that marked the prime minister's visit it was clear that the Americans had also left nothing out in the atmospherics. From the giant flags of India and the US draped on the side of the White House Annexe to the ceremonial drum beats and the energetic flag waving crowds, the tone was warm and friendly. Later that night, Manmohan was accorded the rare honour of a state banquet-only the fifth such in the Bush presidency.

A day later, Manmohan was given the unusual privilege of addressing a joint session of Congress and had his speech greeted by repeated applause. "I have never seen a US reception being so friendly. The outcome has been truly positive for us," says Madhavan Nair, chairman, Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO). For years ISRO along with the Department of Atomic Energy had faced the brunt of the US Administration's denial regime. But during this visit not only were several of ISRO's laboratories cleared of the embargo on technology transfer but NASA is likely to team up with it on a range of space projects.

What was of geopolitical significance too was that the visit saw the US committing itself to make India a balancing power against China in Asia. Says Tellis: "The Chinese don't have to go back to a school for cultural re-education to understand the implications." The only sour note was India's failure to win a clear cut backing from the Americans on its bid for permanent membership of the UN Security Council. But the US explained that it was deferring the decision till it was able to push through broader reforms that it had been seeking in the UN. "We have now reached a stage where we can have frank kitchen table discussions on all difficult issues without losing trust," explains a US diplomatic source.

Hits and Misses   PICTURE SPEAK A HOST OF ISSUES: (from left) Bush, Laura, Gursharan and Manmohan at the state dinner US President George W. Bush, loath to spend late nights, surprised everyone when he volunteered to host a state dinner for Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in the White House. Though scaled down in comparison with the gala event hosted by his predecessor for A.B. Vajpayee-the last state guest in 2000-the little family dinner, as Bush called it, turned out to be quite a draw with the American press. US First Lady Laura Bush wore a Bill Blass gown while Gursharan Kaur came in a sari in black and red. It was the first state dinner hosted by Bush in his second Presidency and only his fifth since he took charge in 2000 and the mood was perfect. Laura supervised the preparations right to the dinner that included select Indian influences like pan-roasted halibut and a dessert of chocolate lotus blossoms. But, as The Washington Post wrote naughtily, the table cloth was saffron. Bush introduced Manmohan to a round of applause. When the prime minister moved to make his statement, a small cry could be heard above the din. Familiar, recent and so controversial: Bole so nihaal. The real news behind the big giveaway by the US Administration to India was that not many had anticipated it. Shirin Tahir-Kheli, senior adviser to US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, was one of them. At a lunch hosted by Rice, Tahir-Kheli declared that an Indo-US nuclear energy deal would come through only when President Bush visited India later in the year-the India-born, Pakistan-raised diplomat was unaware of the deal inked, only hours ago, by the Indian prime minister on the subject. Touche. Manmohan's address to the US Congress may have been sparsely attended by Senators and Congressmen but he was greeted by 28 rounds of applause and a standing ovation. The silence, though, was palpable when he spoke about outsourcing. Clearly the loss of a million jobs, uncertainty in the economy and some hardsell by Democrats left most of those present sceptical.

Among the key announcements was the Indo-US global democracy initiative that is meant to help democracies in transition like Iraq. The joint statement indicates clearly that the US was not asking India to send in troops. But its assistance was being called for "electoral assistance programmes, including through national capacity building, constitution drafting and electoral expertise".

Critical to the summit's success is the growth of trade relations between the two countries. The CEO's Forum was formed on this trip to work out ways to boost relations. But India is still at the foothills when compared with the commercial heights that China has scaled with the US. As an expert points out, "In relations with the US, the greenback comes first, second and last. What we have now is only verbiage in comparison to China." The onus as much lies on India to attract FDI from the US by liberalising its policies.

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POMP AND SHOW: Manmohan and Bush at a march past to welcome the prime minister at the White House

If there was a decision during this visit that defined the transformation of relations between the two countries it was undoubtedly the nuclear bargain. Officials privy to the Oval Office discussions revealed that since his re-election, Bush has been keen to keep his commitment to help India become a world power. To do that he would have to find a way of settling India's contentious nuclear status. At any time it would be a bold choice. His close advisers argued that if a choice had to be made, why not now. It would give Bush sufficient time to bring it to fruition by the time his second term ended. So Bush told his advisers the evening before the summit, "Just do it." For the first time since 1974, the US decided to treat India as a de facto nuclear-weapons state.

It's a recognition of India's achievement in nuclear technology and also that we have been a responsible power," points out Anil Kakodkar, chairman, Atomic Energy Commission, who also flew in with the prime minister for the summit. In return, India has agreed that it would be ready to assume the same responsibilities as other advanced nuclear technology countries. This includes identifying and separating civilian and military nuclear facilities and programmes and then taking a decision to place voluntarily its civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards.

Of course, there are bound to be objection by advocates of non-proliferation who feel the agreement will destabilise the existing nuclear regime. "Don't think that the summit is going to be the end of the story," says Michael Krepon, emeritus president, Stimson Centre. In the coming months Bush would have to battle the bureaucracy and Capitol Hill on this issue. Already doubts are being raised about his ability to push through the changes required in US laws to relax the denial regime. Even in India, stiff opposition is building up, with former prime minister A.B. Vajpayee speaking out against the nuclear pact (see following story).

Domestic lobbies on both sides could well block any forward movement. While the Left parties have warned the UPA Government of getting too close to the US, there are differences even in the Foreign Office and the Indian mission in the US over the contours of the relationship. The US would also have to ensure that its ties with India would be treated on a different plane. "While there is convergence, there are also dangers that it can become divergent as India can never become a client state. So the relationship needs to be handled well," says former Indian envoy to the US Abid Hussein. While a road map has been laid down, it would be wise for India to constantly watch out for bumps and unexpected turns. No one ever said it was going to be easy riding with the world's sole superpower.

-with Saurabh Shukla

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