PICTURE SPEAK

Being young is not an advantage in our political culture where wisdom is synonymous with biological antiquity. The idea of generational transition is certainly not Indian.

It didn't take long for that particular bubble to burst. Far from becoming a redeeming force within the House, they have so effortlessly merged with the system and become part of the chorus, phantoms in an opera that plays only one monotonous note. "We are giving it all we have, both in terms of commitment and ideology," says Sachin Pilot, a new generation Congressman. Aspiration, though, is not matched by performance. Their only achievement so far seems to be the banning of smoking in Parliament. There are as many as 13 first-timers who are yet to debate a bill. Four of them still have to make their maiden speech.

Performance, in the Indian political context, is often related to patronage. And being young is not an advantage in our political culture where wisdom is synonymous with biological antiquity. We are almost Confucian in our veneration of the old, even if the old is in an advanced state of fossilisation. There is no place for a Barack Obama or a David Cameron in any ideological space of Indian politics. The idea of generational transition is certainly not Indian. The so-called senior leaders continue to feel insecure about the young and the upcoming. Congress has the largest chunk of the Brat Pack. Its 10 young MPs include heir apparent Rahul Gandhi, whose field of activity doesn't extend beyond the family constituencies of Rae Bareli and Amethi. Eight are from the dynastic quota as are three of the five BJP first-timers. But having used their youthful appeal to woo the electorate, they are now largely neglected by the senior leadership. Seldom do they get any meaningful organisational positions. They were not even initially groomed for the finer nuances of parliamentary etiquette. Milind Deora, the Congress MP from South Mumbai, was the first to break the virgin silence on the floor of the House. However, when he got up to ask a question, he droned on to a full-blown speech and was ridiculed by the Opposition. It was after that fiasco that the Congress decided to hold a training camp for its first-timers.

Rahul, the most privileged of them and the chosen leader-in-waiting, is yet to reveal his magnetism. Maybe, it is intentional: the son has to keep a low profile when the mother reigns supreme. There can't be a third power centre even in the remotest public perception. For now, constituency work and occasional foreign assignments will do for Rajiv Gandhi's 36-year-old son. There was only one instance of Rahul playing the leader. He led a protest in Parliament against the frequent adjournments of the House. The young and the old from the party joined him on a sultry summer day, as the future saviour dazzled for a while. "He has barely spoken for more than five minutes in Parliament," scoffs BJP's V.K. Malhotra. Though no one will admit it, one reason why the young Congress MPs are scared to preen in the limelight is that they don't want to upstage the heir apparent. They know that performers will be seen as potential challengers.

The BJP has been slightly better in bringing up the young. Two of its five debutants have shown the potential to play bigger roles and have been promoted in the organisation. "The Congress has a lot of public school MPs with an elitist background and an established identity in Delhi's social circuit," says Dharmendra Pradhan of BJP. In an era where panel discussions define leadership, it is the gift of the gab that works, at least, when the flashlights are on. Headline-friendly issues like India's nuclear dilemma, the vote on Iran and even the wildlife bill have become hot favourites. "We don't choose issues because of glamour. It's not a quantity game but a quality game," says Deora. At times, the quality control is to blame. The BSP MPs look to their leaders for example. Ashok Rawat of the party is yet to debate in Parliament but has disrupted it many times. He says, "I do what the party leaders tell me to do. When needed we stall the proceedings."

What is missing is the fire of the 1960s when Chandra Shekhar, then in his late 30s, and his band of young turks could force Indira Gandhi to adopt a left-of-centre approach in her policies. Sanjay Gandhi was 34 when he along with his Youth Congress brigade entered Parliament, and Rajiv was only 40 when he became prime minister. Well, it was the family right. Some of the current BJP leaders were fiery youth activists who fought against the Emergency. "You cannot expect a 1970s-type street movement in the days when SMS polls have replaced rallies as the medium of voicing opinion," says Pradhan. True, you cannot borrow scripts from history and play them out in a changed political milieu. The new century demands a new set of renewal strategies, and new ideas. What is in abundance in politics today is youth, and what is in short supply is idealism. Dissent has always been a youthful expression, and politics without dissent is autocracy. In India, to rebel is to become an outcast. Still, it's the youth who dare, not in Indian politics though. Not yet.

Most of these MPs have parachuted straight into their seats without first being weaned on grassroots politics. "Give them time. I was a two-term MLA and a minister before I became an MP," says Congress leader Digivijay Singh. Only a confident leadership can realise the worth of the young-and make use of that generational wealth. And the performance of the young should not be confined to their constituencies and the seminar rooms-or TV studios.

The young MPs are not known for the art of parliamentary debate but for well-scripted soundbites-and some for the sheer virtue of silence. They ought to make the House a bit more noisy for the right reasons. Doesn't matter if the elders disapprove.

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