| It was Rahul Gandhi's political baptism through the heat and dust of western Uttar Pradesh. For the first time ever, the crown prince took an election responsibility that, by conventional wisdom, is far from a guaranteed win. Like his mother, the young leader chose the roadshow route to set his political bandwagon rolling. Somewhere in the background blared the suitably-appropriate song Nanha munna rahi hoon from the 1960s movie Son of India. To his political rivals, the tune symbolised the entry of the babe into the woods, while for his partymen, the young scion embodied the title of the movie itself. He hopped on and off his Toyota Land Cruiser to take the battle into the cow belt and the enemy camp. It was carnival time for the Congress and coronation time for Rahul as Rajya Sabha MP Rasheed Alvi proudly introduced him as Hindustan ke Wazir-e-Azam. There is still time for that. For now, Rahul's target is Uttar Pradesh in general and the Muslim vote in particular. He chose his venue, Deoband, to rake up a 15-year-old chestnut, the demolition of the Babri Masjid during the Narasimha Rao regime. "Had a member of the Gandhi family been in active politics at that point in time, the demolition would not have happened," he said. Predictably, it triggered a political storm. But he reiterated his position the very next day. A gleeful BJP chortled at his political immaturity. BJP leader Sushma Swaraj said, "Next, he will blame Manmohan Singh for Nandigram and inflation." After all, it was Rajiv Gandhi who flirted with soft Hindutva and initiated the unlocking of the Masjid's gates to allow the worship of Ram Lala and later, the shilanyas. He even launched his 1989 election campaign from Ayodhya. That was then. Now, another Gandhi is setting the party's agenda. In wooing the Muslim vote, Rajiv's 37-year-old son is leaving nothing to chance-and so what if he skips a history lesson along the way. It is true that the demolition happened during a Congress government, but it was not the first time a Gandhi criticised it. His mother Sonia had (in Hyderabad on January 16, 1998) revealed that "just about a month before he was assassinated, my husband had said to me that if ever an attempt was made to touch the Babri Masjid, he would stand in front of it and they would have to kill him first". The Congress was caught off guard at the sudden offensive. Its spin doctors grappled with words on how to defend the Rao regime without offending the heir apparent. Finally, the spokespersons chose the usual muddle path of agreeing and denying in the same voice. The shilanyas, they contended, did not lead to the demolition. As one loyalist put it, "He has strong beliefs, the words are his." Lesser mortals would have paused but as Rahul left Deoband and reached Bareilly, he fired another salvo. "The 1996 alliance with the BSP was a sellout," he said. Party strategist Vishwajit Singh, who worked closely with Rajiv, explained, "Any alliance that is in favour of the smaller party is skewed." In 1996, the Congress had contested only 126 seats out of 403 and won 33. Rahul has only tried to connect the posturing at the Centre with the state elections. The party has been flailing its arms to woo Muslims and Dalits via the Sachar Committee Report and job quota in the private sector. It is early days yet. As Oscar Wilde said, the only thing worse than being talked about is not being talked about. Congressmen are thrilled that the young scion has finally locked his laptop and has ventured into realpolitik. There is now a name, a face and a presence for the war for Uttar Pradesh. As for tactics and strategies, the soap opera is yet in its first few episodes. Stay tuned. Index |