Loss of Inheritance

Post defeat, former chief minister Amarinder Singh has to fight battles on two fronts—one against the ‘revengeful’ Akalis and another against party colleagues who want to finish him politically

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LONE RANGER: Amarinder is now on his own, just one of 44 Congress MLAs “I am a fighter. The more the Shiromani Akali Dal targets me, the more I will gain politically.” NEW JOB: Amarinder will now focus on writing his book on Anglo-Sikh wars

However, none of the above can hide the stark contrast of the present with his heady days in power. The courtiers and cohorts have gone missing, some simply deserting the mother ship, others going undercover fearing arrest. With a drastically curtailed security detail consisting of only two vehicles—as against a dozen-odd when he was chief minister—Amarinder now moves around all by himself. From captain of the ship, the Patiala royal has turned a sailor—politically. He is now just one of Congress 44 MLAs. The famed evening soirees are a thing of the past. Instead, he spends late hours in a huddle with grim-faced lawyers to chalk out his strategies to fortify himself legally before his return to Punjab, his “battleground”. “I am a fighter” he says.

In the dock for a Rs 100-crore corruption case slapped by the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD)-BJP Government, Amarinder faces the risk of being pushed into political wilderness. In Punjab, where vendetta-inspired corruption cases have become an instrument to settle scores, the ruling Akalis are only paying him back with his own coin. The irony could not have been starker for the Doon-educated politician who used to swear by his agenda of “fixing the Badals politically and legally”.

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GOOD OL’ DAYS: Most of Amarinder’s close friends have deserted him now. “I have requested Sonia Gandhi to utilise whatever productive years are left in me.”

Even more vicious is Amarinder-baiters’ new-found tirade over his alleged alliance with a Pakistani journalist—an episode that has become the staple of political and social gossip in Punjab and Delhi. SAD working president and Faridkot MP Sukhbir Singh Badal, who is supervising the “fix-Amarinder-operation”, has demanded a CBI probe into his sworn foe’s “trans-border escapades”. For Amarinder, the embarrassing episode could not have come at a worse time. Rattled, he himself brought up the issue during his meetings with Manmohan Singh and Sonia and blamed his opponents for spreading canards. “She is no more than a good friend,” he says.

Amarinder, on his part, also has some complaints against party colleagues both in the state and in Delhi. He is openly critical of the high-command’s point person for Punjab, general secretary Janardan Dwivedi. “He is not the right man for Punjab, he doesn’t understand Punjab, but tries to manipulate by divide and rule. I have even told this to the Congress president,” he says. Dullo, he describes as a “loose cannon, a frustrated man who couldn’t even win his own seat.”

That the party post is his key to resurrection is something that he knows only too well. Not surprisingly, upon his return from London, Amarinder was accorded a raucous reception, orchestrated by his wife, Patiala MP Preneet Kaur. It was a carefully-crafted show of strength to send a signal to the high command. “The party MLAs and workers poured in to Delhi despite being dissuaded by my rivals,” he says, alluding to Dullo and CLP leader Rajinder Kaur Bhattal, who pooh-poohed the reception saying he was not returning after “winning a war”.

On a similar note, the party has shown little inclination to support him in his tirade against the Akalis. Apart from making token noises over the vindictive harassment of partymen, both Bhattal and Dullo have distanced themselves from his mounting troubles. “The party can’t be expected to defend charges of corruption against any leader,” said Dullo. Bhattal was more discreet: “Amarinder should boldly face up the allegations against him.”

Sensing the party’s indifference, Amarinder had to change his stand on the issue of his anticipatory bail. While in London for medical reasons, he had sworn not to apply for bail. But a week before his return, he and his wife moved the Punjab and Haryana High Court and got their arrest stayed till July 30. Though the legal reprieve may have given Amarinder time to lobby for his rehabilitation, the Government is turning the heat on his close confidants. “We will let the law catch up with him” says Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, denying the charges of political vendetta.

To add insult to injury, the Vigilance authorities are putting more controversial projects under the scanner, most of which had been cleared in a hurry at the fag end of the Congress government. With corruption charges having been framed against Badal, his wife Surinder Kaur and son Sukhbir in a disproportionate assets case by the previous regime, the Badals have got another reason to get even with him. “The strategy is to expose Amarinder’s corruption and isolate him politically,” says Sukhbir.

The Badal dispensation is now tightening the screws on his coterie. Topping the list of the run-away cohorts is his man Friday and media adviser, Bharat Inder Singh Chahal, who left for Britain soon after the Assembly results were out and is facing a string of investigations into the alleged multi-crore advertisement allotment scandal. Former local government minister Chaudhary Jagjit Singh, who is an accused in the Ludhiana City Centre scandal, has been in hiding, evading arrest. Last week, the Badal Government upped the ante on its action against former DGP Sarabdeep Singh Virk, known to be close to Amarinder, by refusing to repatriate the suspended IPS officer to his parent cadre state of Maharashtra. Not surprisingly, he is now in an overdrive to mend his fences with the aicc top brass for an early rehabilitation—a task made tougher by the exit of his close kin former minister Natwar Singh from the circles of 10, Janpath.

For now, the former chief minister faces the unenviable challenge to stay relevant and in the reckoning. The civic polls, due next month, could well be a litmus test for him to retrieve some of the lost ground—in the form of urban voters who had backed the BJP. Ironically though, Amarinder’s best bet is the persecution by the Akali regime. “The more they target me, the more I will gain politically,” he says, adding, “My priorities are to get physically fit by shedding a few kilos and focus on writing my next book on the Anglo-Sikh wars.” Left to themselves, the Akalis would like him to achieve both, but behind bars.

SOMETHING SPECIAL

Larger Than Life Everyday millions throng Guruvayoor’s Sree Krishna temple and stand for hours in serpentine queues for a darsan of the Lord. Next stop is a neighbouring memorial, where with almost equal veneration they pay obeisance to the “deity”, which is not any God but Guruvayoor Kesavan, ar guablythe most revered and adored elephant Kerala has ever seen. Wherever he would go, Kesavan would pull in more crowds than even Malayalam film stars, was the hero of many, a legend during his lifetime and remains so even over 30 years after his death. A movie made in his name shortly after his death created box office history. Kesavan symbolised the love, affection and reverence that Keralites attach to elephants. They had for long been close to Malayalee hearts and lives. In Keralite culture and tradition, they were centrestage. The giant jumbo may have come from the wild, but was so gentle that parents could trust their children with them. A tiny piece of elephant hair implanted on an ornament was considered auspicious. Parents used to hand their new borns to mahouts who would walk with them between the jumbo legs, so the infant could grow up brave. Poems and stories abounded on the affection between Malayalees and their favourite mascot. Love and regard for the elephant was one of the very few unifying themes in a society fragmented by class, caste and bitter politics. When royalty gave way to democracy, the one constant was the new Kerala government’s decision to continue with the imperial official crest that showed two elephants. The elephant was always the ultimate auspicious mascot for every function, private or public. Those were the good old days, when the Keralite and his elephant cohabited with mutual affection and respect, much before the Malayalee in his avarice began to see the beautiful beast as tool to rake in huge profits.

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