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| MAHARASHTRA Unholy War Inter-gang rivalry in the mafia city has now moved on to another plane -- communal wars. And dons use religion as a weapon to establish their supremacy. By Sheela Raval
Call it a sign of the times. Mumbai's underworld has turned communal. Religious background is suddenly as important as, if not more than, the ability to shoot straight. And with the four main dons -- Dawood Ibrahim's pointman Chhota Shakil, Chhota Rajan, Arun Gawli and Ashwin Naik -- redrawing the battlelines as Hindus versus Muslims, the internecine wars have moved on to a different plane. Already, the battle has narrowed down to one between Rajan and Shakil, with the others taking sides. Shakil's support base is somewhat thin: only Naik, who is believed to have settled in London, is rooting for him. Rajan, on the other hand, has Gawli and Babloo Shrivastava in his corner, as well as former Dawood aides Khalid Pehlwan, Ali Budesh and Izaz Pathan who parted ways three years ago in Dubai to start their own gangs. The grounds for war this time round are the cases against those accused in the 1992-93 riots and the March 1993 bomb blasts in Mumbai. Rajan is known to be close to several Shiv Sena leaders and his pet cause is killing those accused of causing the 1993 bomb blasts. Shakil (a.k.a Shaikh Shakil Baboo), on the other hand, is a trusted lieutenant of Bhai (Dawood) who has close links with Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). Shakil is targeting those indicted in the Srikrishna Commission report for involvement in the Mumbai riots. Rajan first drew blood last year when his gang killed estate agent Mohammed Jindran, one of the accused in the 1993 bomb blasts. Now based in Australia and operating through satellite communication links, the one-time Dawood crony is believed to have vowed to kill all the 180 declared guilty of causing the blasts. So far, his tally is three, including gangster Salim Kurla and builder Majid Khan. Rajan's men have also been gunning for Dawood loyalists as well as his financiers: over the past two years they have systematically eliminated the three Husain brothers, prominent builders from Versova. It has been enough for Shakil to retaliate. Early this month his gang made an attempt on the life of Shiv Sena Corporator Milind Vaidya, who has been indicted in the Srikrishna Commission report. Contacted at a cell phone number in Karachi, Shakil readily accepted responsibility for the attack as well as those on film producer Ramesh Sharma and art director Sushankar Manjrekar (see interview). Just how serious is the religious twist? The police, for one, doesn't seem overly concerned. Says Joint Commissioner of Police B. Shivanandhan: "The two gangsters seem to be fighting as much to save face as for territory. The current fighting on communal lines is nothing but a desperate attempt to establish supremacy in Mumbai." Indeed, control over Mumbai is a prime consideration. Last year 101 people were killed in 93 gang-related shoot-outs. They included gangsters, builders, businessmen, film personalities and politicians. And although it remains the largest network in Mumbai, the D-company's clout in the underworld is said to have eroded somewhat over the past three years. But now, Shakil insists this is a fight to the finish. "Even if all of them unite and get political support, we will fight tough." According to some observers, the political angle is critical in understanding the sudden undertones of religion. None of the big four is based in Mumbai, but their role in the city's politics is enormous. Shakil and Dawood are said to be staunch supporters of the Samajwadi Party, while Rajan is believed to have the backing of top Sena and BJP leaders in Maharashtra. Gawli, meanwhile, has already announced that his party, the Akhil Bharatiya Sena, would be contesting the next assembly elections. Where does Mumbai go from here? A ceasefire is an unlikely prospect: both Shakil and Rajan are in this too deep. In that case, gang wars will continue. The Mumbai Police seems aware of the possibility. Investigating agencies point to strong links between the ISI and Dawood, especially since he moved to Karachi in 1993. At the Maharashtra Government's behest, the Centre has formally requested Pakistan to extradite Dawood even though there is no extradition treaty between the two countries. A new bill to be called the Organised Crime Control Act, which is similar to the repealed TADA, awaits presidential approval. According to Shakil, any move to bring back TADA, even in a new avatar, will invite trouble. "It is a conspiracy to eliminate our community systematically. We'll be forced to take extreme steps." These are powerful enemies and deadly wars -- not just about territory and money. Shakil, Rajan and others have discovered religion is the quickest way to whip up public sentiment. They have enough ammunition on that score to keep them in action for a long time.
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