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ROUGH RIDE

As the BJP gets revived in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, the Congress knows it has more than a fight on hand in the coming assembly polls. India Today's Neeraj Mishra anayses the party's shaky position in the two states.

With the BJP's clean sweep in Gujarat, it is only natural that the Congress is beginning to sit up. The spate of victories it managed to pull off in various other states in the previous year has been completely overshadowed by the Moditva wave which is threatening to spread. In Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh which will be going to the polls this year, Chief Ministers Digvijay Singh and Ajit Jogi have been quick to declare that the BJP will not be allowed to repeat a Godhra in their states. But in their hearts, they know that a gasping BJP has been revived and it will take more than bravado to tackle it.If the rousing receptions Rajnath Singh and Uma Bharti received in Indore and Satna last week and the success of BJP's workshop in Durg are any indications, then the Congress units in both states have surely more than a fight on hand. And most Congressmen believe that the party stands to gain nothing under the dummy leadership of Radhakishan Malviya and Ramanujlal Yadav. Malviya, a former union minister, heads the PCC in Madhya Pradesh while Yadav is the PCC president in Chhatisgarh. So the usual clamour for change and the onslaught of disgruntled Congressmen have more reason than passion this time.

Former ministers Jhumuklal Bhedia, Radheshyam Sharma and Bansilal Dhritlahare have mounted the challenge in right earnest in Chhatisgarh. They have apprised Congress President Sonia Gandhi of the prevailing conditions in the state. "The party is creaking under the weight of divisive caste policies and deliberate under-representation of some sections,'' says V.C. Shukla who has announced that his Chattisgarh Sangharsh Morcha will contest all 90 seats in Chhatisgarh. This is significant in view of the fact that Shukla continues to be a primary member of the Congress and no action has been initiated against him.

While Jogi may be the obvious target of the trio as well as Shukla, they are also peeved that the PCC has become subservient to the wishes of the chief minister. "In two years, not a single meeting of the PCC has been called and only last week they announced the names of block presidents of the party,'' says Sharma. Yadav, who has never risen above district-level party structure, was originally propped up by Vora. The reasoning then was that since the chief minister was a tribal, the speaker a Brahmin, the PCC president should be an OBC to represent the largest segment of the caste break-up in the state. Later Jogi came to patronise Yadav because his lightweight stature suited the new chief minister.

Yadav, at 70, is not only considered unfit for the long haul of an assembly elections but is too inexperienced for what is promising to be a no-holds-barred campaign. Dileep Singh Ju Deo, vice- president of the state unit of the BJP, has already embarked on his Ghar Vapasi programmes. He has proclaimed in no uncertain terms what the BJP's main plank would be: religious conversions in tribal areas. Yadav, whose hearing impairment is a butt of jokes within the party, has also been exposed for his shortcomings in being able to rally the Yadavs.

Other OBC leaders like B.R. Yadav, Bhagatram Manhar, Nand Kumar Patel and Charandas Mahant are seen as better alternatives if the chair is to remain with the OBC. Member of Parliament Mahant at 48 is considered the youngest and brightest amongst OBC leaders and has a sizeable following in Bilaspur, Korba, Raipur and Sarguja districts but his chances seem restricted with Jogi unwilling to back him. "There is nothing wrong with Yadav's leadership ,'' he says for he feels that such a late change in leadership will send the wrong message like the state BJP which has effected three changes in two years. But a strong SC lobby has also claimed that leadership be transferred to them, the chief claimant being Bansilal Dhritlehare who is being backed by Arjun Singh. Many Congressmen, however, feel that the best way to ensure a Congress victory would be to put either of the Shukla brothers in saddle.

There may not be any unanimity on one name but there are no differences on the fact that Yadav needs to go. In Madhya Pradesh too, it's almost the same situation. Malviya is considered another in a chain of weak leaders who have occupied office since Digvijay became chief minister. Parasram Bhardwaj and Urmila Singh were his equally weak predecessors with the logic that two power centres would distract from smooth functioning of both the state and the party. Another logic forwarded by the Digvijay camp is that with an upper caste occupying the chief minister's office the dalits should get the PCC. There are two shortcomings with this theory and that is worrying the central command.

The Congress has done well in Madhya Pradesh only when the PCC president has been strong. When it came to power 10 years ago, Digvijay was the state president. Even earlier presidents like Arjun Singh, Vora and Ramgopal Tiwari rallied the party in crucial elections. Bhardwaj and Urmila Singh have presided over three straight Lok Sabha losses in the name of keeping Digvijay strong. The second and more crucial thing is that even before the last assembly win in 1998, as many as four executive presidents were appointed as nominees of various groups because Urmila was considered incapable. These executive presidents included Jogi, Dalbir Singh and Balendu Shukla which balanced the regional equation.

"Unfortunately Malviya has not been able to make a name for himself even as a Dalit leader,'' says Indresh Gajbhiye, former general secretary of the party. Another former general secretary, Manak Agarwal, is a vocal critic of Malviya and has even alleged in court that he was behind coaxing Inder Prajapat into shooting at him. Agarwal is considered a master strategist even though his electoral record is zilch. There is a line of thinking that he should be brought back into the PCC while his claims for a ticket should be given a quiet burial.

But the crucial question is who would replace Malviya. The natural Congress method would be to replace one Dalit with another. The only ones eligible then would be Mahendra Baudh, Vijaylaxmi and N.P. Prajapati. All three are experienced and have been or continue to be important ministers in the Digvijay cabinet. But a section of Congressmen believes that a tribal as PCC president would send the right message as the BJP is seen as targeting that vote bank. Deputy Chief Minister Jamuna Devi is the obvious choice then though Digvijay might prefer Kantilal Bhuria, the MP from Jhabua. There is another school within the Congress which believes that merit should be the only consideration and is projecting Suresh Pachauri and Subhash Yadav as alternatives. Pachauri may have lost his chance due to the reverse in Gujarat where he was in charge but Yadav may still be in fray. For his own sake, Digvijay would like Malviya to continue. But the writing is on the wall and it remains to be seen whether the CWC and Sonia read it in time.

 

 

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